yearly visitations made by the clergy to inspect the churches (Synodi) 26 served to preserve a certain outward decency.

$9.

PRIVILEGES OF THE CLERGY.

To the Carlovingians the clergy were indebteu for new possessions and privileges. The tithes granted to the Church by Charlemagne, 779, were at first, indeed, reluctantly and irregularly paid, but yet they were carried out into execution.'

26 An improvement of the old church visitation (cf. Conc. Taracon. ann. 516, c. 8: Ut aatiquae consuetudinis ordo servetur, et [Ecclesiae] annuis vicibus ab Episcopo dioceses isitentur). Carol. M. Capit. ann. 769, c. 7: Statuimus, ut singulis annis unusquisque Episcopus parochiam suam solicite circumeat, et populum confirmare et plebes docere, et investigare et prohibere paganas observationes, divinosque vel sortilegos, aut auguria, phylacteria, incantationes, vel omnes spurcitias gentilium studeat. Capit. ii. ann. 813, c. 1: Ut Episcopi circumeant parochias sibi commissas, et ibi inquirendi studium habeant de incestu, de parricidiis, fratricidiis, adulteriis, cenodoxiis et aliis malis, quae contraria sunt Deo, quae in sacris Scripturis leguntur quae Christiani devitare debent. Capitt. lib. vii. c. 148, 465. Conc. Arelatense ann. 813, c. 17 (Mansi, xiv. 61): Ut unusquisque Epis copus semel in anno circumeat parochiam suam. Noverint sibi curam populorum et pauperum in protegendis ac defendendis impositam. Ideoque dum conspiciunt, judices ac potentes pauperum oppressores existere, prius eos sacerdotali admonitione redarguant: et si contempserint emendari, eorum insolentia Regis auribus intimetur, et quos sacerdotalis admonitio non flectit ad justitiam, regalis potestas ab improbitate coërceat. A description of the synods in Regino de disciplina eccl. lib. ii. c. 1, ss. Hartzhemii Conc. Germ. ii. 511. Jo. Morini Comm. hist. de disciplina in administrationo sacramenti poenitentiae, lib. vii. c. 3. F. A. Biener's Beitr. zu d. Gesch. d. Inquisitions processes. Leipz. 1827, S. 28, ss. Eichhorn's Kirchenrecht, ii. 73.

1 People had very early begun to consider ecclesiastical oblations as a continuation of the Old Testament first-fruits and tithes (Vol. I. § 53, note 16), and to assert that the laity should proportion the greatness of their oblations to that standard. For a long time this was only enforced as a moral duty, but subsequently it was demanded on pain of eccle. siastical punishment (Conc. Matisconense, ann. 585, c. 5): Let the disobedient person a membris Ecclesiae omni tempore separetur. A letter of Pipin's to Lullus, archbishop of Mainz, A.D. 764, ap. Balaz. i. 185, desires that the bishops should institute a thanksgiving feast, on account of a rich harvest, et faciat unusquisque homo sua eleemosyna, et pauperes pascat. Et sic praevidere faciatis ordinare de verbo nostro, ut unusquisque homo, aut vellet, aut nollet, suam decimam donet, viz., to the poor. Charlemagne made the church law, which required a tenth, the law of the state also, Capit. ann. 779, c. 7: De decimis, ut unusquisque suam decimam donet, atque per jussionem Pontificiis dispensetur. Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae (Pertz, iii. 49), c. 16: Et hoc Christo propitio placuit, ut undecunque census aliquid ad fiscum pervenerit, sive in frido, sive in qualicunque banno, et in omni redibutione [i. e., reditu] ad Regem pertinente, decima pars Ecclesiis et Sacerdotibus reddatur. C. 17: Similiter secundum Dei mandatum praecipimus, ut omnes decimam partem substantiae et laboris sui Ecclesiis et Sacerdotibus donent, tam nobiles quam ingenui, similiter et liti, juxta quod Deus unicuiqui dederit Christiano, partem Deo reddant; subsequently also often repeated. According to a Capit. anni inc. in Martene

2

5

Parishes received a secure endowment, to which, in particular, a certain extent of land (mansus ecclesiasticus) free of all rent and taxes also belonged. To this were added, not only many donations, but, as the feudal system prevailed, many private estates were converted into ecclesiastical fiefs. Many churches received judicial power over their tenants, perhaps also over et Durand Coll. ampl. vii. 10, the disobedient shall first be excommunicated, and if then they will not submit they shall be compelled by civil punishments, succeeding one another by gradation. This ecclesiastical tithe must be distinguished from that tenth which, at the time of the Romans, colonists had to pay from the ager publicus to the state as rent, and which subsequently had come with the possession of that ager into many other hands, and had also in a great measure fallen into the hands of the church (Birnbaum die rechtl. Natur der Zehnten. Bonn. 1831. 8). Such colonists had now to pay a double tithe, decimam et nonam; hence Capit. Francof. ann. 794, c. 23: Ut decimas et nonas sive census omnes generaliter donent, qui debitores sunt ex beneficiis et rebus Ecclesiarum.-Et omnis homo ex sua proprietate legitimam decimam ad Ecclesiam conferat. Experimento enim didicimus, in anno, quo illa valida fames irrepsit, ebullire vacuas annonas a daemonibus devoratas, et voces exprobrationis auditas. Planck, ii. 397. Gfrōrer, iii. ii. 609. Kühlenthal's Gesch. des deutschen Zehntens. Heilbronn. 1837. 8.

2 Ludov. P. Capit. ann. 816, c. 10: Statutum est, ut unicuique Ecclesiae unus mansus integer absque ullo servitio adtribuatur, et Presbyteri in eis constituti non de decimis, neque de oblationibus fidelium, non de domibus, neque de atriis vel hortis juxta Ecclesiam positis, neque de praescripto manso aliquod servitium faciant praeter ecclesiasticum. Et si aliquid amplius habuerint, inde Senioribus suis debitum servitium impendant. On Mansus see Eugen Montag's Gesch. d. deutschen staatsbürgerl. Freiheit, i. 1, 273 u. 325. The Conc. Rom. ann. 826, c. 16 (repeated ann. 853, ap. Mansi, xiv. 1005), forbids the bishops res immobiles de subjectis plebibus seu aliis piis locis in proprio usu habere.

3 Also by contractus precarios, Planck, ii. 390. Montag, i. i. 278. Kunstmann's Rabanus Maurus, S. 20.-What means were employed in part to obtain these donations may be seen from Caroli M. Capitulare ii. ann. 811, c. 5: Inquirendum etiam, si ille saeculum dimissum habeat, qui quotidie possessiones suas augere quolibet modo et qualibet arte non cessat, suadendo de caelestis regni beatitudine, comminando de aeterno supplicio inferni, et sub nomine Dei aut cujuslibet sancti tam divitem quam pauperem, qui simplicioris naturae sunt, et minus docti atque cauti inveniuntur, si rebus suis exspoliant, et legitimos heredes eorum exheredant, ac per hoc plerosque ad flagitia et scelera propter inopiam, að quam per hoc fuerint devoluti, perpetranda compellunt, ut quasi necessario furta et latro cinia exerceant, cui paternarum [rerum] hereditas, ne ad eum perveniret, ab alio prae repta est. Cap. 6: Iterum inquirendum, quomodo seculum reliquisset, qui cupiditate ductus propter adipiscendas res, quas alium videt possidentem, homines ad perjuria et falsa testimonia pretio conducit; et Advocatum sive Praepositum non justum ac Deum timentum, sed crudelem ac cupidum, ac perjuria parvipendentem inquirit, etc.

Capit. iii. ann. 811, c. 3: Dicunt etiam, quod quicunque proprium suum Episcopo, Abbati, vel Comiti aut Judici vel Centenario dare noluerit, occasiones quaerunt super illum pauperem, quomodo eum condemnare possint, et illum semper in hostem faciant ire, usque dum pauper factus volens nolens suum proprium tradat aut vendat, alii vero, qui traditum habent, absque ullius inquietudine domi resideant. Charles the Bald desired, on the contrary, that every one should come under the feudal obligations, Conventus apud Marsnam, ann. 847 (Baluz. ii. 44. Pertz, iii. 395): Volumus etiam, ut unusquisque liber homo in nostro regno seniorem qualem voluerit, in nobis et in nostris fidelibus accipiat. Eichhorn's deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 724.

• Such cases had already happened singly among the Merovingians, but now they were more frequent. Thus Treves received the privilege of immunity from the jurisdiction of counts, for church possessions, from Pipin, 761 (Hontheim Hist. dipl. i. 120, confirmed by

the free men that dwelt among them; many also received other Regalia (rights belonging to royalty). From Charlemagne's time all prelates were obliged to keep advocates (Advocati Ecclesiae) for transacting the secular affairs incompatible with their spiritual calling.

Charlemagne exempted the clergy more than ever from the jurisdiction of the civil courts; but the king continued to be supreme judge of all clergymen, even of bishops. And since a more accurate distinction of the peculiar limits belonging to the

8

Charlemagne, 773, p. 132, and Lewis the Debonaire, 816, p. 167). Osnabruck received from Charlemagne, 804, immunity from all judicial courts, even from that of Missi (Möser's Osnabrück. Gesch. 3te Aufl. Berlin. 1819. i. 405). Montag, i. i. 220. Eichhorn, i. 735.

Comp. Montag, i. 285. Thus Lewis the Debonaire in particular bestowed on many monasteries and churches, the right of tolls, markets, and coinage (Walch Diss. de pietate Lud. P. 1748, in Pottii Syll. comm. theol. iv. 280). Therefore Heimoldus in Chronic. Slav. lib. i. c. 4, § 2, says that Lewis was so indulgent to the clergy, ut Episcopos, qui propter animarum regimen principes sunt caeli, ipse eosdem nihilominus principes efficeret regni. 7 Caroli Capit. ii. ann. 813, c. 14: Ut Episcopi et Abbates Advocatos habeant. Et ipsi habeant in illo comitatu propriam hereditatem. Et ut ipsi recti et boni sint, et habeant voluntatem recte et juste causas perficere. Cf. Lotharii Capit. tit. iii. c 7, c. 9, c. 18. Pippini Ital. Reges. leges Langobard. c. 7. These Advocati had to appear in courts on behalf of the church they represented, to attend to the administration of justice in them (Montag, i. i. 232, ss. 244, ss.). Many churches had for protection also Defensores Ecclesiae (Montag, S. 250): Both offices, however, were soon united (Montag, S. 254, ff.), and the expressions, Advocati, Defensores, Vicedomini, became synonymous. The appointment of such officers originated in the older, particularly African, synodical decrees, though the new Advocati were quite different from the earlier subordinate Defensores. Cf. Thomassinus, P. i. lib. ii. cap. 97, ss. Planck, ii. 452. Eichhorn's deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 787. Kaim's Kirchenpatronatrecht, i. 70.

* Comp. Vol. I. Div. II. § 124, note 15. Caroli M. alia capitula add. ad leg. Longob. ann. 801, c. 1: Volumus primo, ut neque Abbates, neque Presbyteri, neque Diaconi, neque Subdiaconi, neque quislibet de clero, de personis suis ad publica vel ad secularia judicia trahantur vel distringantur, sed a suis Episcopis judicati justitiam faciant. (Cf. Capit. Aquisgran. ann. 789, c. 37: Ut Clerici ecclesiastici ordinis, si culpam incurrerint, apud ecclesiasticos judicentur, non apud seculares). Si autem de possessionibus, sive ecclesiasticis, sive suis propriis, super eos clamor ad judicem venerit, mittat judex clamantem cum Misso suo ad Episcopum, ut faciat ei per advocatum justitiam percipere. Si vero talis aliqua inter eas exorta fuerit intentio, quam per se pacificare non velint aut non possint, tunc per advocatum Episcopi, qualem lex jusserit, causa ipsa ante Comitem vel judicem veniat, et ibi secundum legem finiatur, anteposito quod dictum est de persona clericorum. (Cf. Capit. Francof. ann. 794, c. 28. Et si forte inter clericum et laicum fuerit orta altercatio, Episcopus et Comes simul conveniant, et unanimiter inter eos causam definiant secundum rectitudinem.) Still the final decision belonged to the king and his ministers. Lothar. imp. in lege Longobard. lib. ii. tit. 45, c. 2. (Baluz. ii. 337): Ut omnes Episcopi, Abbates et Comites, excepta infirmitate vel nostra jussione, nullam habeant excusationem, quin ad placita Missorum nostrorum veniant, aut talem vicarium mittant, qui in omnibus causis pro illis rationem reddere possit. Caroli Calvi Capit. tit. 40) ann. 859, c. 7 (ibid. p. 211): Ut si Episcopi suis laicis injuste fecerint, et ipsi laici se ad nos inde reclamaverint, nostrae regiae potestati secundum nostrum et suum ministerium ipsi Archiepiscopi et Episcopi obedient,―sicut temporibus avi et patris nostri juxta et rationabilis consuetudo fuit. Eichhorn, i. 177.

rights of the clergy did not take place as Charles had intended,' clerical aspirings after greater freedom and power were certainly the more encouraged on this account under the feeble government of his successors. The bishops strove to obtain the pope for their spiritual judge; 10 and, on the other hand, to raise themselves to be judges of kings;" an attempt was also made to change the previously existing right of arbitration possessed by the bishops (Vol. I., § 91, note 4) into a compulsory judicial power over the laity, in certain cases.12 The royal authority, however, over clerical fief-holders was still too firmly established for them to succeed in obtaining any thing in opposition to the will of the king

• Capitulare interrogationis de iis, quae C. M. pro communi omnium utilitate interroganda constituit [ann. 811] c. 4: Discutiendum est atque inveniendum, in quantum se Episcopus aut Abbas rebus secularibus debeat inserere, vel in quantum Comes vel alter laicus in ecclesiastica negotia. Hic interrogandum est acutissime, quid sit quod Apostolus ait: "Nemo militans Deo implicat se negotiis secularibus” (2 Tim. ii. 4), vel ad quos sermo iste pertineat. 10 See above, § 7, note 27, ff. 11 See above, § 6, note 13. 12 Capitt. lib. vi. c. 366: Volumus atque praecipimus, ut omnes ditioni nostrae Deo auxiliante subjecti, tam Romani, quam Franci, Alamanni, Bajuvarii, Saxones, Thuringii, Fresones, Galli, Burgundiones, Britones, Langobardi, Wascones, Benventani, Gothi, et Hispani-hanc sententiam, quam ex 16mo Theodosii Imp. libro-sumsimus, et inter nostra capitula-posuimus, legem cunctis perpetuo tenendam; id est : Quicunque litem habens, sive possessor sive petitor fuerit, vel in initio litis, vel decursis temporum curriculis, sive cum negotium peroratur, sive cum jam coeperit promi sententia, si judicium elegerit sacrosanctae legis Antistitis, illico sine aliqua dubitatione, etiamsi alia pars refragatur, ad Episcoporum judicium cum sermone litigantium dirigatur.-Omnes itaque causae, quae vel praetorio jure vel civili tractantur, Episcoporum sententiis terminatae, perpetuo stabilitatis jure firmentur; nec liceat ulterius retractari judicium, quod Episcoporum sententia deciderit. That this law, which also belongs to the eighteen "Extavangantia" of the Cod. Theod. published in Jac. Sirmondi Appendix Codicis Theodosiani, Paris. 1631.8 (see Novellae constitutiones Impp. Theodosii II. etc. xviii. constitutiones quas J. Sirmondus divulgavit, ed. G. Haenel. Bonnae. 1844. 4. p. 445), is not at all a lex Constantini, which it pretends to be, may be seen from Gothofred. in Cod. Theod. ed. Ritteri, vi. 339. Savigny Gesch. d. rom. Rechts im Mittelalter, ii. 281, 296. Eichhorn's Kirchenrecht, ii. 131 (although it has been recently pronounced genuine by Jungk Diss. de originibus et progressu episcopalis judicii in causis civilibus laicorum. Berol. 1832. 8, and by G. Haenel, 1. c. p. 429). But even the capitulary form, which is only met with in Benedict's collection, proceeds neither from Charlemagne (to whom it has often been referred) nor from any other Frank king. C. S. Berardus (Gratiani Canones genuini ab apocryphis discreti. Taurini. 1752. t. iv. 4), i. 444, and Jodocus le Platt. Diss. de spuriis in Gratiano canonibus, P. iii. c. 14 (in Gallandii Sylloge ed. Mogont. ii. 843, note 8), declare it to be a fabrication of Bene. dict; Schmidt Kirchengesch. v. 161, and Eichhorn deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 776, which amounts to the same, declares it to be a Pseudo-Isidorianum. Since that lex Const. is also found in Codd. of breviarii Alaricii, since moreover Benedict used for his collection of capitularies the documents collected by Archbishop Riculf (see preface), and since such records were brought from Spain by Riculf (see Hincmar. Laud. c. 24); this law may have arisen among the Visigoths, with whom the bishop's power was very considerable (see Vol. I. Div. II. § 132, note 6). Thus even the subsequent royal renewing and confirma. tion of it may have been originally a Visigothic deed, so that Benedict may have only added some national names to make it a Frank regulation.

§ 10.

EFFORTS OF THE CARLOVINGIANS TO PROMOTE THEOLOGICAL

CULTURE.

Jo. Launoji de Scholis celebrioribus s. a Carolo Magno s. post eundem Car. per Occidentem instauratis liber. Paris. 1672. 8 (in addition to Jo. Mabillonii Iter German. republished by J. A. Fabricius. Hamb. 1717. 8). L. Thomassini Vet. et Nov. Eccl. Discipl. P. ii. lib. i. c. 96-100. Histoire literaire de la France par des religieux Benedictins de la Congrég. de S. Maur. (Paris. 1733, ss. 20 tomes 4, is continued), t. iv. et v. Bossuet's Weltgeschichte, continued by J. A. Cramer, v. ii. 118-180. C. H. van Herwerden Comm. de iis, quae a Carolo M. tum ad propagandam religionem christ. tum ad emendandam ejusdem docendi rationem acta sunt. Lugd. Bat. 1825. 4. Dr. J. Chr. F. Bahr's Gesch. d. rōm. Literatur im karoling. Zeitalter. Carlsruhe. 1840. 8.

As soon as Charlemagne had become acquainted with the liberal sciences in Italy, he became anxious to introduce them immediately into his own kingdom, and in particular among the clergy. Accordingly he invited to his court learned foreigners,' for instance Petrus Pisanus, Paulus Warnefridi († 799),2 Paulinus, patriarch of Aquileia († 804),3 and in 782, the most distinguished of all, Flaccus Alcuinus or Albinus († 804).* By precept and example, he excited a zeal for those studies, and erected schools attached to cathedrals and monasteries," in

Annales Laurissenses ad ann. 787 (ap. Pertz, i. 171): Et domnus Rex Carolus a Roma artis grammaticae et computatoriae magistros secum adduxit in Franciam, et ubique stu- · dium literarum expandere jussit. Ante ipsum enim domnum Regem Carolum in Gallia nullum studium fuerat liberalium artium.

2 From him we have de Historia Longobardorum libb. vi. et Historiae miscellae libb. xvi., afterward enlarged by the addition of eight books (both best edited in Muratorii Rer. Ital. scriptor. t. i.). Vitae Gregorii M., Benedicti, etc. Excerpta de primis Metensium Episcopis (in Pertz Monum. Germ. Hist. ii. 260). Homiliarium. 3 Bahr, S. 356. • Controversial writings against Adoptians. Biblical commentaries. Doctrinal writ ings, especially De fide S. Trinitatis libb. iii. ad Car. M. De virtutibus et vitiis 1. Vitae S. Willebrordi, Martini, etc. Homiliae. De vii. artibus. Carmina. Espec. Epistolae 232. Opp. ed. Frobenius. Ratisbon. 1777. tomi ii. fol. Alcuin's life by Dr. F. Lorenz. Halle. 1829. 8. Bahr, S. 302, 78, 192.

* Car. M. Epist. ad Baugulfum Abb. Fuldensem, or rather a circular letter to all bishops and abbots, A.D. 787 (Baluz. i. 201. Pertz, iii. 52): Notum sit-devotioni vestrae, quia nos una cum fidelibus nostris consideravimus utile esse, ut episcopia et monasteria-etiam in literarum meditationibus, eis qui, donante Domino, discere possunt, secundum uniuscujus que capacitatem, docendi studium debeant impendere: qualiter sicut regularis norma honestatem morum, ita quoque docendi et discendi instantia ordinet et ornet seriem verborum, ut qui Deo placere appetunt recte vivendo, ei etiam placere non negligant recte loquendo. Quamvis enim melius sit bene facere quam nosse, prius tamen est nosse quam facere. Nam cum nobis in his annis a nonnullis monasteriis saepius scripta, dirigerentur, cognovimus in plerisque-eorumdem et sensus rectos et sermones incultos