But he was

interfere as a superior mediator in their favor." withstood in the attempt. By the treaty of Verdun (843) the popes received in the Emperor Lothar a less powerful master, who besides was frequently employed out of Italy, while Rome was often threatened by the invasions of the Saracens now commencing. Thus attempts could now be made to avoid the legal sanction of the emperor at the election of popes. At the choosing of Sergius II. (844) this neglect of the imperial authority was indeed blamed,' but yet it was repeated at that of Leo IV. (847). This pope even manifested an ambitious design, by

5 Astronomus, c. 48. When it was reported of Gregory, who was in the camp of the sons, quod ideo adesset, ut tam Imperatorem quam Episcopos excommunicationis irretire vellet vinculis, si qui inobedientes essent suae filiorumque Imperatoris voluntati : parum quid subripuit Episcopis Imperatoris praesumtionis audaciae, asserentibus nullo modo se velle ejus auctoritati succumbere: sed si excommunicans adveniret, excommunicatus abiret: cum aliter se habeat antiquorum auctoritas Canonum. Paschasius Radbertus in vita Walae Abb. lib. ii. (in Pertz Monum. ii. 562) says of the bishops on Lewis's side Insuper consiliabantur firmantes, proh dolor, quod eundem Apostolicum, quia, non vocatus venerat, deponere deberent.-Quibus auditis Pontifex plurimum mirabatur ac verebatur. Unde et ei dedimus (the bishops and monks of Lothar's party) nonnulla SS. Patrum auctoritate firmata, praedecessorumque suorum conscripta, quibus nullus contradicere possit, quod ejus esset potestas, immo Dei et b. Petri Apostoli, suaque auctoritas, ire mittere ad omnes gentes pro fide Christi et pace Ecclesiarum, pro praedicatione Evangelii et adsertione veritatis, et in eo esset omnis auctoritas b. Petri excellens, et potestas viva; a qua oporteret universos judicari, ita ut ipse a nemine judicandus esset (comp. § 5, note 22). Quibus profecto gratanter acceptis valde confortatus est. Agobard, though on the pope's side, yet writes to Lewis, de comparatione utriusque regiminis, c. 4: Certe, clementissime domine, si nunc Gregorius Papa inrationabiliter et ad pugnandum venit, merito et pugnatus et repulsus recedet. Si autem pro quiete et pace populi et vestra laborare nititur, bene et rationabiliter obtemperandum est illi, non repugnandum.-Gregorii Ep. ad Episcop. regni Francorum (ap. Mansi, xiv. 521, a reply to a writing of Lewis's bishops, which is now lost): Bene autem subjungitis, memorem me esse debere jurisjurandi causa fidei facti Imperatori. Quod si feci, in hoc volo vitare perjurium, si annuntiavere ei omnia, quae contra unitatem et pacem Ecclesiae et regni committit: quod si non fecero, perjurus ero, sicut et vos, si tamen juravi. Hincmar Epist. 41, ad Hadrianum II.: Et quomodo Gregorius, subreptus cum Lothario patri suo repugnante in Franciam venit, et pax postea in Francia ut antea non fuit, et ipse Papa cum tali honore, sicut decuerat, et sui antecessores fecerunt, Romam non rediit.

• See above, note 4. So still in Gregory IV. Einhardi Annales ann. 827: Gregoriuselectus, sed non prius ordinatus est, quam legatus Imperatoris Romam venit, et electionem populi, qualis esset, examinavit.

'Prudentii Trecensis Ann. (or Ann. Bertiniani) ann. 844: Quo (Sergio) in sede apostolica ordinato, Lotharius filium suum Hludovicum Romam cum Drogone, Mediomatricorum Episcopo, dirigit, acturos, ne deinceps decedente Apostolico quisquam illic praeter sui jussionem missorumque suorum praesentiam ordinetur antistes. Qui Romam venientes, honorifice suscepti sunt, etc. Anastasius Bibl. in vita Sergii: Tunc demum in eadem Ecclesia (S. Petri) sedentes pariter tam beatissimus Pontifex, quam magnus Rex, et omnes Archiepiscopi atque Episcopi-fidelitatem Lothario magno Imperatori semper Augusto promiserunt.

• When Rome was just threatened by the Saracens (Anastasius in vita cv. Leonis IV.): Romani-novi electione Pontificis congaudentes, coeperunt iterum non mediocriter con

means of new forms which he had inserted in the writing addressed to the princes, though he still saw himself under the necessity of giving valid assurances of his allegiance,1o perhaps in consequence of the examination of a conspiracy which was alleged to have been projected at Rome." Hence, at the election of Benedict III. (855) they did not venture to proceed again without the emperor's sanction.12 But inasmuch as the Carlovingian princes, generally, with the full consciousness of mastery over their clergy, allowed themselves to be misled into the practice of yielding up to them even rights over themselves, with the view of employing them as an instrument so much the more powerful in their hands; inasmuch as they allowed themselves, by turns, to be deposed by their bishops, 13 and then again thought

tristari, eo quod sine imperiali non audebant auctoritate futurum consecrare Pontificem, periculumque Romanae urbis maxime metuebant, ne iterum, ut olim, aliis ab hostibus fuisset obsessa. Hoc timore et futuro casu perterriti, eum sine permissu Principis Praesulem consecraverunt, fidem quoque illius, sive honorem post Deum per omnia et in omnibus conservantes.

He first put his name before the names of the princes, and avoided the appellation Dominus, hitherto used toward them. Cf. Garnerius ad Libr. diurnum Pontiff. Rom. p. 151. 10 Anastasius in vita Leonis IV. in fine: A Roman leader, Daniel, complained of another, Gratian, before the Emperor Lewis, that he had said privately to him: Franci nihil nobis boni faciunt, neque adjutorium praebent, sed magis quae nostra sunt violenter tollunt. Quare non advocamus Graecos, et cum eis foedus pacis componentes Francorum Regem et gentem de nostro regno et dominatione expellimus? The emperor, immenso furore accensus, hastened to Rome, instituted an inquiry, but found the accusation groundless. It had been, however, calculated from probability, and may lead us to infer what was the general voice in Rome.

Leo IV. ad Ludov. Imp. (so according to Pius II. in d'Archery Spicileg. iii. 811) in Gratiani Decreto, P. ii. c. 2, qu. 7, c. 41: Nos si incompetenter aliquid egimus, et in subditis justae legis tramitem non conservavimus, vestro ac Missorum vestrorum cuncta volumus emendare judicio. Leo IV. Lothario Augusto (ap. Gratianus, P. i. dist. x. c. 9): De capitulis vel praeceptis imperialibus vestris, vestrorumque (pontificum) praedecessorum irrefragabiliter custodiendis et conservandis, quantum valuimus et valemus Christo propitio, et nunc, et in aeternum nos conservaturos modis omnibus profitemur. Et si fortasse quilibet aliter vobis dixerit vel dicturus fuerit, sciatis eum pro certo mendacem. On this document see Baluzii praef. ad t. i. Capitularium, § 21, ss. On the interpolation pontificum see Antonii Augustini de emendatione Gratiani, lib. i. dial. 19.

12 Anastas. in vita Benedictii III.: Clerus et cuncti proceres decretum (electionis) componentes propriis manibus roboraverunt, et, consuetudo prisca ut poscit, invictissimis Lothario ac Ludovico destinaverunt Augustis. Imperial Missi appeared, and were introduced with solemnity, and in their presence finally Benedict was consecrated.

13 The Concil. Paris. ann. 829, in an epistle to the emperors Lewis and Lothar, lib. iii. c. 8 (Mansi, xiv. 597), first asserts that bishops are the judges of kings: Petimus humiliter vestram Excellentiam, ut per vos filii et proceres vestri nomen, potestatem, vigorem et dignitatem sacerdotalem cognoscant.-Illud etiam ad exemplum eis reducendum est, quod in ecclesiastica historia (Rufini, x. 2) Constantinus Imp. Episcopis ait Deus, inquit, constituit vos sacerdotes, et potestatem vobis dedit de nobis quoque judicandi: et ideo nos a vobis recte judicamur; vos autem non potestis ab hominibus judicari, caet. This doctrine was first brought into life by the Synod of Compiegne (833), by which the sons of Lewis

they could make their authority inviolable, by episcopal unction;14 so also the emperors believed that they could place themselves in a secure position if they derived a peculiar divine right in their favor from papal unction, and by this means established the dangerous opinion that the imperial dignity was communicated by the pope.15

caused their father to be condemned to do public penance (Conventus Compendiensis, ap. Mansi, xiv. 647. Pertz, iii. 365), for the purpose of making him unfit to reign (Capitull. lib. vi. c. 338: Quod ad militiam saecularem post poenitentiam redire nemo debeat). Afterward a council at Aix-la-Chapelle, 842, deposed the emperor (Nithard Histor. iv. 1, in Pertz, ii. 668). When Lewis the German, 858, had invaded the kingdom of Charles the Bold, he procured a decree approving of his conquest, from a council at Attigny, under Archbishop Wenilo of Sens. When afterward he was overpowered by Charles, the latter caused him to be brought to penitence by his bishops; but he would not declare his sentiments till he had asked his bishops, quia, Deo gratias, nihil sine illorum consilio feci (legatio Episcoporum ap. Baronius, ann. 859, no. 6. Pertz, iii. 458). All these episcopal decisions, however, were only valid so far as the princes who had procured their enactments were able or willing to maintain them,

14 Caroli Calvi Libellus proclamationis adv. Wenilonem Archiepisc. Senonum. A.D. 859, c. 3 (ap. Baronius, ann. 859, no. 25. Pertz, iii. 462): A qua consecratione vel regni sublimitate supplantari vel projici a nullo debueram, saltem sine audientia et judicio Episcoporum, quorum ministerio in Regem sum consecratus, et qui throni. Dei sunt dicti, in quibus Deus sedet, et per quos sua decernit judicia; quorum paternis correptionibus et castigatoriis judiciis me subdere fai paratus, et in praesenti sum subditus.

15 Charlemagne himself crowned his son Lewis the Debonaire as emperor (Annales Einhardi, ad ann. 813: Evocatum ad se apud Aquasgrani filium suum Hludovicum Aqui. taniae Regem, coronam illi imposuit et imperialis nominis sibi consortem fecit. When Stephen IV. visited the emperor, 816, he bestowed on him spiritual consecration (Astronomus, c. 26). In the same manner Lewis appointed his son Lotharius emperor, who was crowned by Pope Paschalis at his visit to Rome (Annalis Einhardi ad ann. 823): Lotharius again caused his son, Lewis II., to be crowned in Rome by Leo IV. (Prudentii Trec. ann. ad ann. 850). But this Lewis II. himself writes as early as the year 871 to the Greek emperor Basil (Muratorii Scriptt. Ital. ii. ii. 243): Unctione et sacratione per summi Pontificis manus impositionem divinitus sumus ad hoc culmen provecti.-Carolus M. abavus noster unctione hujusmodi per summum Pontificem delibutus primus ex gente et genealogia nostra-et Imperator dictus et Christus Domini factus est-Si calumniaris Rom. Pontificem, quod gesserit: calumniari poteris et Samuel, quod spreto Saule, quem ipse unxerat, David in Regem ungere non renuerit.

THIRD CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF THE FRANK EMPIRE.

Capitularia regum Francorum,1 preserved partly in the original, partly in the Capitularium lib. vii., of which the first four books were collected by Abbot Ansegisus, 827; and the last three books2 by Benedictus Levita, about 845, ed. Steph. Baluzius. Paris. 1677; ed. nova cura Petri de Chiniac. Paris. 1780. ii. voll. fol. The Capitularia enlarged and improved in Pertz Monum. iii.; the Capitularium libri by Ansegisus, ibid. iii. 256; those by Benedictus Levita, ibid. iv. ii. 39.

§ 7.

CHURCH GOVERNMENT.

Since the Frank Church had been raised from its decayed condition by Carloman and Pipin, it began to develop its resources with freshness and power under the management of the Carlovingians, and to exercise the most important influence among the churches of the west.

The general belief was, that there must be a return to the old laws of the church, in order that men might have a secure guide in this renovation. But many decisions of that ancient church could not be brought into harmony with the fundamental principles of civil and feudal law, by which the relations of churches and clergy had been principally established, and which it was thought impossible to abandon without endangering the state. Hence arose an antagonism between the law of the church resuscitated, and the prevailing law of the state-an antagonism which could only be prevented from breaking forth by powerful rulers, but which, under weak princes, threatened to produce a dangerous contest between church and state.

Carloman and Pipin immediately reinstated metropolitans in their ancient rights,3 and endeavored, if possible, to diminish the

1 On the Capitularia generally, see Eichhorn's deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, i. 626.

* Benedictus Levita drew not merely from the capitularies but also from other secular and ecclesiastical laws, and has adopted in particular many Pseudo-Isidoriana likewise. See the accurate specification of his sources by Knust in Pertz Monum. iv. ii. 19. * Capit. ann. 742, c. 1, ann. 755, c. 2.

evil of commendator-bishops and abbots; but the feudal relations of churches and monasteries remained unaltered. Charlemagne, it is true, wished to restore the ancient mode of choosing bishops; the laws issued on that point were not, however, universally carried out; for no choice could be made without the king's special permission," and most of the bishops continued to be appointed by the kings. In the opinion, indeed, of ecclesiastics, this was regarded as an abuse; but that bishops should be confirmed and invested by kings was universally held to be necessary." The Carlovingians allowed the possessions of the

8

• Carlomanni Capitulare Liftinense ann. 743, c. 2: Statuimus quoque cum consilio servorum Dei et populi christiani, propter imminentia bella et persecutiones caeterarum gentium quae in circuitu nostro sunt, ut sub precario et censu aliquam partem ecclesialis pecuniae (goods, possessions) in adjutorium exercitus nostri cum indulgentia Dei aliquanto tempore retineamus, ea conditione, ut annis singulis de unaquaque casata (farmhouse) solidus, i. e., xii. denarii, ad Ecclesiam vel ad Monasterium reddatur; eo modo, ut si moriatur ille cui pecunia commodata fuit, Ecclesia cum propria pecunia revestita sit. Et iterum, si necessitas cogat, ut princeps jubeat, precarium renovetur, et rescribatur novum. Et omnino observetur, ut Ecclesiae vel Monasteria penuriam et paupertatem non patiantur, quorum pecunia in praecario praestita sit: sed si paupertas cogat, Ecclesiae et domui Dei reddatur integra possessio. Eugen Montag's Gesch. d. deutschen staatsbürgerl. Freiheit (2 Bde. Bamb. u. Würzb. 1812) i. i. 333.

• The fealty-duties were so severe in many monasteries that Lewis the Debonaire, 817, lightened them, and established three classes, monasteria, quae dona et militiam facere debent, quae tantum dona dare debent sine militia,-quae nec dona nec militiam dare debent, sed solas orationes pro salute Imperatoris vel filiorum ejus et stabilitate imperii, see the list in Baluz. Capit. i. 589, and the commentary annexed, ii. 1092.

Capit. Aquisgranense, A.D. 803, c. 2. (Baluz. Cap. i. 379), repeated word for word Capit. Aquisgr. A.D. 817, c. 2. (Baluz. i. 564. Pertz Monum. iii. 206.) Comp. Formulae diversae in Episcoporum promotionibus usurpatae post restitutam electionum liberta tem ap. Baluz. ii. 591. Especially on the management of the choice by royal missi : Adlocutio Missorum Imp. Ludov. P. ad clerum et plebem electionis causa congregatum, ib. p. 601. 7 Conc. Valentinum, ann. 855, c. 7 (Mansi, xv. 7).

• Baluzius ad Concilia Galliae Narbonensis (Paris. 1668. 8), p. 34, Ejusd. not. ad Capitul. ii. 1141. Comp. Thegani vita Ludovici Imp. c. 20: Consiliariis suis magis credidit quam opus esset; quod ei fecit occupatio psalmodiae et lectionum assiduitas, et aliud quod ille non incipiebat. Quia jam dudum illa pessima consuetudo erat, ut ex vilissimis servis fiebant summi pontifices: hoc non prohibuit. Leo IV. Epist. ad Lothar. et Ludov. Aug. about 853 (in Gratiani Decret. P. I. dist. 63, c. 16): Vestram mansuetudinem deprecamur, quatenus Colono humili diacono eandem Ecclesiam [Reatinam] ad regendum concedere dignemini; ut vestra licentia accepta, ibidem eum Deo adjuvante consecrare valeamus Episcopum. Sin autem in praedicta Ecclesia nolueritis ut praeficiatur Episcopus, Tusculanum Ecclesiam, quae viduata existit, illi vestra Serenitas dignetur concedere; ut consecratus a nostro praesulatu, Deo omnipotenti vestroque imperio grates peragere valeat. So, too, John VIII. petitions King Carlmann, 879, to bestow the bishopric of Vercelli on one Conspertus (ap. Mansi, xvii. 125), and afterward announces the appoint ment to the inhabitants of Vercelli (l. c. p. 166), with the remark, quoniam-Carolomanus -ipsum Vercellensem episcopatum more praecessorum suorum regum et imperatorum concessit huic Consperto, etc.

9 Hincmar Epist. 12, ad Ludov. III. Franc. Regem: Episcopi talem eligant, qui et s. Ecclesiae utilis, et regno proficuus et vobis fidelis ac devotus cooperator existat; et con