Papal power, were for the most part fruitless in results. Far more dangerous to the Pope would have been the resistance of the Latin Patriarchs in the East,25 had not their very existence been (lib. v. c. 56, 5 ss. Lappenberg's Gesch. v. Engl. ii. 256) made good their right that none should be sent without their permission. When Urban 11. sent a legate to William II., king of England, the king came to an agreement with him, ne Legatus Romanus ad Angliam mitteretur, nisi qem Rex praeciperet (Hugo Flavin. in chron. Virdun. p. 241). This right was maintained town to the reign of Henry III; when he wished to assert it, in the year 1244, Magister Martinus was sent (Matth. Paris, p. 641), habens novam et inauditam potestatem, videlicet ampliorem, quam unquam meminimus aliquem Legatum habuisse, but (p. 645) Legati vestibus pro privilegio Regis sophistice salvando non insignitus. For this reason Matthew Paris calls him the Legatus sophisticus. When, however, the Barons of England, in the year 1264, reminded a Legate of this privilege, he already gave the answer: Asseritis privilegium vestrum esse, quod ad vos Legatus non veniat non petitus. Sed absit, ut Romana Ecclesia lege propria se arctaverit, ne possit per alios visitare, quorum visitationem praesentialiter nequit adimplere. Nec potuit aliquis summus Pontifex legem ponere successori, quia non habet imperium par in parem, nec Papa unius praedecessoris heres est, sed successor (ex ms. in de Marca, lib. v. c. 56,. 13). Thus, also, Boniface VIII. asserted against Philip the Fair (Rayn. 1303, no. 34), quod Romanus Pontifex Legatos de latere ac Nuncios libere mittere potest ad quaevis imperia, regna vel loca, prout vult, absque petitione cujuslibet vel consensu, usu vel consuetudine contrariis nequaquam obstantibus. For Germany, we have only the efforts of the Hohenstaufen family to point out. Frederick I. complained, in his quarrel with Hadrian IV. (above, § 52, note 13), de Cardinalibus quoque sine permissione imperiali libere per Regnum transeuntibus, et regalia Episcoporum palatia ingredientibus, et Ecclesias Dei gravantibus de injustis appellationibus et caeteris quam plurimis brevitatem superantibus (Baronius 1159, no. 15), and replied to the remonstrance of the Pope (1. c. no. 6): Cardinalibus utique vestris clausae sunt Ecclesiae, et non patent civitates; quia non videmus eos Cardinales, sed Carpinales; non praedicatores, sed praedatores; non pacis corroboratores, sed pecuniae raptores; non orbis reparatores, sed auri insatiabiles corraCum autem viderimus eos, quales requirit Ecclesia, portantes pacem, illuminantes patriam, assistentes causae humilium in aequitate, necessariis stipendiis et commeatu eos sustentare non differemus. Hadrian complains to the German bishops (Goldast. constitt. imper. i. 266), [Imperator] facto edicto, ne aliquis de Regno vestro ad apostolicam sedem accedat, per omnes fines ejusdem Regni custodes dicitur posuisse, qui eos, qui ad sedem apostolicam venire voluerint, violenter debeant revocare. The Emperor justifies this measure in his letter to the bishops (1. c.): Introitum et exitum Italiae nec clausimus edicto, nec claudere aliquo modo volumus peregrinantibus, vel pro suis necessitatibus rationaliter cum testimonio Episcoporum et Praelatorum suorum Romanam sedem adeuntibus: sed illis abusionibus, quibus omnes Ecclesiae Regni nostri gravatae et attenuatae sunt, et omnes paene claustrales disciplinae emortuae et sepultae, obviare intendimus. Comp. above, 53, note 5, toward the end. Henry II. wished to do the same for England (Constit. Clarend. viii., above, § 52, note 25): nevertheless, just as in England a good opportunity presented itself to compel the King to a retraction on oath (the same, note 28); so the Pope succeeded in binding the German Emperors also by an oath, after the time of Otto IV. (see above, § 54, notes 14 and 17, § 58, note 8).

sores.

25 The consciousness of the original dignity of these sees descended even to the Latin Patriarchs, who were raised to them. Rudolph, the second Patriarch of Antioch, declared already, utramque Petri esse cathedram, Antiochenam et Romanam, eamque quasi primogenitam insignem praerogativa, and styled himself collega et frater domini Papae ; nevertheless, he was overmatched (Willelm. Tyrius, lib. xv. c. 12, 13, he, however, on this point is not an impartial judge, for territorial disputes were pending between the sees of Antioch and Tyre, Baronius 1136, no. 26 ss., esp. Egidii legati acerrima disputatio adv. Antioch. Patriarcham in Ludewig reliquiae manuscriptt. ii. 452): but even in the year

so entirely dependent upon Rome and the Western World. In France alone, where the best acquaintance with ancient law, and the greatest political unity and power, was still to be found, Lewis IX., by the Pragmatic Sanction (in 1269),26 imposed powerful re

1198, Innocent III. (lib. i. ep. 50. Decr. Greg. lib. i. tit. vii. c. 1) had to rebuke a Patriarch of Antioch, who had encroached on the Papal reserved right of translating bishops. - In the same manner, Innocent III. (lib. xi. ep. 76), so early as 1208, had reason to complain of Thomas, the first Patriarch of Constantinople, for disobedience and disregard of the Papal Legates. Honorius III. thus reproached his successor Everardus (Raynald. 1218, no. 26-28) Sicut-accepimus, tu supra te volens extendere alas tuas-legatos de tuo latere dirigis cum ea plenitudine potestatis, qua legati sedis apostolicae diriguntur. Ill enim per Patriarchatum tibi commissum causarum audientiam, quae ad te, vel ad ipsos per appellationem minime deferuntur, sibi vindicare praesumunt, et inconsultis Praelatis eorum subditos excommunicant, excommunicatos absolvunt, appellationibus non deferunt, quas contingit ad sedem apostolicam interponi.-Ecclesiastica etiam beneficia conferunt, non exspectantes, quod ad te potestas eadem conferendi juxta Lateranense concilium (above, note 13) devolvatur : thus closely resembling their Roman brethren. Honorius III. treats Matthaeus, the following Patriarch, yet worse (Raynald. 1222, no. 22 s), and upbraids him thus: ut quasi velis ab aquilone tuum solium collocare, excommunicatos a Legato apostolicae sedis passim absolvis, et appellationibus legitime interpositis ad eandem deferre contemnis. According to Raumer, iii. 388, note 3, there is much to be found on this head in the Regest. Honorii ineditis. But the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Antioch, who, according to Matth. Paris, ann. 1238, p. 481, excommunicated the Pope, were not, as Raumer says, vi. 316, Latin, but schismatic prelates. See Raynald. 1238,

no. 35.

26 The causes of this are plain from the Gravaminibus Ecclesiae Gallicanae (in Brown app. ad fasciculum rerum expet. et fugiend. p. 238), which must, as is clear from the con. tents, have been brought by embassadors of Lewis IX. to Innocent IV., probably about the year 1246: Dominus Rex jamdudum moleste sustinuit gravamina, quae inferuntur Ecclesiae Gallicanae, et [er consequens sibi et regno.- Nunc autem videns, quod per patientiam istam non proficiat, sed quotidie crescant gravamina; habita super hoc deliberatione et consilio diligenti, misit nos ad exponendum vobis super hoc libertatem suam et consilium suum.-Mirantur etiain et moventur Barones et omnes Regni proceres et magnates, non solum quod haec fiunt, sed quod dominus Rex sustinet, quod haec fiant: immo quod ipse, ut verbis eorum utar, ita permittit destrui Regnum suum, sicut sui dixerunt ei nuper in colloquio apud Rontilarem congregato: nec solum moventur super his dominus Rex et magnates, sed etiam generaliter omne Regnum motum est et turbatum usque adeo, quod devotio illa, quam solebant habere ad Romanam Ecclesiam, jam quasi penitus est extincta et non solum extincta, sed conversa in odium vehemens et rancorem vehementem.-Valde timendum, ne istud odium, quod conceptum est contra vos in cordibus hominum fere omnium, possit parere aliquod grande monstrum.-Domine, dico vobis, salva pace vestra, quod nova facitis super terram vere nova facitis et hactenus inaudita. Quoniam, ut de multis taceam, a saeculo non est auditum, quod Ecclesia Romana pro quacunque necessitate subsidium pecuniarum vel tributum de temporalibus suis exegerit ab Ecclesia Gallicana.-A saeculo non est auditum, quod alias dictum fuerit verbum istud: da mihi tantum, vel excommunico te.-A saeculo non est auditum, quod summi sacerdotes et Apostolorum successores-talliati fuerint, qui modo per nuncios vestros talliantur sicut servi vel Judaei. For this the evidence of facts was brought forward. Item gravantur Ecclesiae in multis provisionibus et pensionibus multorum: confertis enim pro voluntate vestra domos et grangias (barns) et villas monachorum.Item gravantur Ecclesiae in collatione beneficiorum et praebendarum multarum. Nam in qualibet Ecclesia-contu listis multas praebendas et etiam non vacantes; et non solum praebendas, sed etiam personatus vacaturos, quod omnibus videtur mirabile, cum nec sic factum fuerit usque modo;

strictions at least on some abuses. But in this country, during the struggle of Philip the Fair with Boniface, an opposition ennec videatur juri vel rationi consonum, quod sic fiat. Pope Alexander had once taken refuge with King Lewis in France. Ipse tamen in nullo gravavit Ecclesiam Gallicanam, ut nec unam solam praebendam aut aliud beneficium ipse Papa dederit ibi; sed nec aliquis praedecessor suus, nec multi etiam de successoribus dederunt in sua auctoritate beneficium aliquod usque ad tempus domini Innocentii tertii, qui primus assumpsit sibi jus istud, in tempore suo revera dedit multas praebendas, et similiter post ipsum dominus Honorius et dominus Gregorius simili modo fecerunt : sed omnes praedecessores vestri, ut publice dicitur, non dederunt tot beneficia, quot vos solus dedistis isto modico tempore, quo rexistis Ecclesiam vestram. Et si successor vester in tantum excederet vos in hoc, Sicut excessistis praedecessores vestros, certe ipse conferret communia beneficia, et sic non restabit aliud consilium indigenis nostris nisi fugere aut fugare.-Nuncii vero de novo accesserunt, nova gravamina addentes supradictis. Nuper enim mandavistis Clericis, ut quia persecutor vester (Frederick II.) ad partes istas venturus est, mitant vobis militiam munitam ad resistendum ei, quia non est consilium cedere venienti: super quo satis excusabiles sunt Ecclesiae, quia non habent militiam, nec est in potestate eorum mittere quod non habent. - Item magnum et novum subsidium modo petitis ab Ecclesiis per fratres minores, qui modo discurrunt per totum Regnum, et intolerabiliter gravant Ecclesias multis modis et diversis. Their mode of proceeding is represented (comp. § 56, note 8), and after many admonitions (for the fixing of the date of this passage is important, quia dominus Rex crucesignatus est, et in terram sanctam profecturus est, vult-quod Ecclesiae Regni large subveniant ei) it is brought to a close with the proposal: rogat vos affectuosissime dominus Rex-pro tollendo scandalo de cordibus multorum, et servanda et retinenda devotione Ecclesiae Gallicanae et Regni, et propter amorem domini Regis, ut praemissis gravaminibus, quae ipse nullo modo potest aequo animo sustinere, quia in his videt exheredationem suam, et intolerabile periculum imminere, de caetero parcatis Ecclesiis et ab hujusmodi cessare velitis, et quae de novo facta sunt revocare. Power was granted the King by the Pope to appoint to the episcopal sees in France. This grant he rejected, and threw into the fire the Bull made out for this end, which his embassador brought with him on his return from Rome (see the vita Ludovici, written by his Chancellor Broimardus in Choppini monasticon, lib. i. tit. i. § 9). Lewis answered the Pope in the same manner, according to Matth. Paris, ann. 1250, p. 797, when he wished to have the tithes of the French Church for three years, to carry on his war against Frederick II. and Conrad, quod nullo modo toleraret Ecclesiam sui regni depauperare ad expugnandos Christianos. When, however, he suffered the tithe to be granted for three years to himself by the Pope, for his own crusade, the clergy of France were very indignant, and sent a threatening letter to the Pope. Clement IV.'s answer to this is in Rayn. 1267, no. 55: Jerusalem anathemate pollutam propter exactionem decimae stare coram Crucifixi hostibus nequivisse dictarum literarum tenor asseruit ; et ipsarum auctor nimis inconsulte, quasi similia comminans, orientalem Ecclesiam propter exactiones hujusmodi ab obedientia Ec⚫clesiae Romanae subtractam, quasi veritatis omnino expers et inscius affirmavit. -Vobis eligeratis potius excommunicationum sustinere sententias, quam nostris circa hujusmodi obedire mandatis; adjicientes-ad praedicti confirmationem erroris, jam apud vos infixam et immobilem transisse sententiam, quod non cessaret exactio tributorum, donec cessaret devotio subditorum. When Clement IV., in the year 1266, laid claim to the plenaria dispositio of all benefices (see above, note 13), then in March, 1269 (according to the reckoning of the time, 1268), Lewis issued the Pragmatic Sanction, in order to win back his clergy in some measure, see Ordonnances des Roys de France de la troisième race recueillies par M. de Laurière. Paris, 1723, fol, 1, 97. Leibnitii mantissa cod. jur. gent. p. 157. The most important points in it are these: statuimus et ordinamus primo, ut Ecclesiarum Regni nostri Prelati, patroni, et beneficiorum collatores ordinarii jus suum plenarium habeant, et unicuique sua jurisdictio debite servetur. II. Item Ecclesiae cathedrales et aliae regni nostri liberas electiones et earum effectum integraliter habeant.-V. Item cx

countering not only isolated results, but the fundamental principles of the Papal system, first found vent,27 while the extravagant assumptions of the Papacy were laid bare to the view of all.28

actiones et onera gravissima pecuniarum per Curiam Romanam Ecclesiae Regni nostri impositas vel imposita, quibus Regnum nostrum miserabiliter depauperatum extitit, sive etiam imponendas vel imponenda, levari aut colligi nullatenus volumus, nisi duntaxat pro rationabili, pia et urgentissima causa, et inevitabili necessitate, ac de spontaneo et expresso consensu nostro et ipsius Ecclesiae Regni nostri. The conclusion runs: Harum tenore universis justitiariis, officiariis et subditis nostris-mandamus, quatenus omnia et singula praedicta diligenter et attente servent,atque servari-inviolabiliter faciunt: nec aliquid in contrarium quovis modo faciant vel attentent, seu fieri vel attentari permittant: transgressores aut contra facientes-tali poena plectendo, quod caeteris deinceps cedat in exemplum. E. Richer hist. concill. general. lib. ii. c. 7. The genuineness of this document, which is attacked especially by P. Daniel, has been demonstrated in Libertés de l'église Gallicane, edit. ann. 1771, iii. 633, 667. Velly hist. de France, iii. 239.

[On the Pragmatic Sanction of Lewis IX., comp. Prof. W. G. Soldan, in Niedner's Zeitschrift fur die hist. Theol. 1856, s. 377-451. Prof. Soldan reviews the objections lately urged by ultramontane writers against the genuineness of this document, viz. R. Thomassy, de la Pragm. Sanction, Paris, 1844, and Karl Rosen, die Pragm. Sanction, Munchen, 1853. In opposition to them he shows: 1. That this Sanction has its basis in the events of the period; 2. That the omission of reference to the Regalia is not against its authenticity; 3. That it is in harmony with the spirit of the times and the character of Lewis; 4. That in its form it is not liable to suspicion; 5. That there is abundant historical evidence of its genuineness.]

27 Johannes de Parrhisiis de potest. regia et papali (see above, § 59, note 36), cap. xi. in Goldasti monarchia, ii. 120: Potestas Praelatorum inferiorum non est a Deo mediante Papa, sed immediate a Deo, et a populo eligente vel consentiente. Non enim Petrus, cujus successor est Papa, misit alios Apostolos, quorum successores sunt alii Episcopi: nec LXXII. discipulos, quorum successores sunt Presbyteri Curati; sed eos Christus immediate misit (Joann. 20, et Luc. 19). Nec Petrus insufflavit in alios Apostolos, dans eis Spiritum sanctum, et potestatem dimittendi peccata, sed Christus (Joann. 20, et deinde 21). In novo (i. e. Gratiani Decr. dist. xxi. c. 2) dicitur, quod omnes a Christo simul eandem et aequalem acceperunt potestatem. Paulus etiam dicit, suum apostolatum non accepisse a Petro, sed a Christo, seu a Deo immediate ad Gal. 1, etc.

28 Compare the remarkable expression of William Durant, bishop of Mende, otherwise so devoted to the hierarchy, in his tractatus de modo celebrandi generalis concilu (1311, written in preparation for the Council at Vienne, printed more than once, among other places in the Tractatus illustrium Jurisconsultorum, Tome xiii. P. i. Venet. 1584. fol., f. 159.) Part ii. rubr. 7: Proverbium vulgare est: qui totum vult, totum perdit. Ecclesia Romana sibi vindicat universa: unde timendum est, quod universa perdat nam, sicut Salomon Proverb. xxx. [v. 33]: qui multum emungit, sanguinem elicit. Sicut habetur exemplum de Ecclesia Graecorum, quae ex hoc ab Ecclesiae Romanae obedientia dicitur

recessisse.

[In the inedited documents for the History of France, now in the course of publication, a volume, edited by J. Tardi, has just been issued (1855) on the "Privileges accorded to the crown of France by the Holy See," from the original documents in the archives of the empire.]

SECOND CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY OF THE CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS.

§ 63.

THEIR RELATIONS TO THE STATES.

While in the great struggles of this age, in which Church and State strove for the chief power, the Popes made themselves masters of both, the hierarchies of the Church in the different countries could only attain that independence of all secular power1 at which they aimed, so far as the existing feudal relations allowed.2 The earlier influence of the lords of the soil over the appointments to bishoprics and abbacies vanished altogether in Germany from the time of Otto IV.,3 and was straitened by degrees in other countries also. But in all cases, even when appointed on the side of the Church, the prelates had to take the oath of fealty, as before," to discharge their feudal obligations, and in all causes relating to fiefs to acknowledge the right of their feudal lord. On these

How this was striven for, see above, ◊ 48, note 12. Comp. Urbani II. epist. 14, ad Rodulphum Comitem (Mansi xx. 659): Nosse te volumus, quia nulli saecularium domino potestatem in clericos habere licet; sed omnes clerici Episcopo soli esse debent subjecti. Quicunque vero aliter praesumpserit, canonicae procul dubio sententiae subjacebit. 49, notes 14 and 15, § 50, note 8 toward the end.

2 Comp. above, § 49, note 5, § 50, note 8.

In the 12th century imperial nominations of bishops, or imperial influence over the elections, came into vogue, see Sugenheim's Staatsleben des Klerus im Mittelalter, Bd. 1 (Berlin, 1837), s. 153; also Sugenheim's Kirchenstaat, 1854. Otto IV. and Frederick II. had, however, to disclaim this right (§ 54, notes 17 and 20).

In France, England, and Spain, there was a regulation established by law, that the King's permission to elect, and afterward his confirmation of the election, must be obtained. In Naples, Hungary, Denmark, and Sweden, nomination by the King continued till the 13th century. Staudenmaier's Gesch. d. Bischofswahlen (Tubingen, 1830), s. 249. Sugenheim, i. 197.

This was acknowledged by Innocent III. in Conc. Lateran. ann. 1215, c. 43 (Decr. Greg. lib. i. tit. 24 c. 30). Even in Germany the Prelates could not assume the regalia before doing so. Sugenheim, i. 162.

Thomassin. P. iii. lib. i. c. 45-48. Hullmann's Gesch. d. Ursprungs d. Stande in Deutschland, 2te Aufl. s. 272 ff. Montag's Gesch. d. deutschen staatsburgerl. Freiheit, ii. 447.

This right was recognized by Alexander III. Decr. Greg. lib. ii. tit. 2, c. 6 (the ru bric also runs thus: Si quaestio feudalis est inter clericum et laicum, cognoscet dominus feudi) and c. 7. Thus Innocent III. interceded with King Philipp II. of France (lib. viii. ep. 190) for the Bishops of Auxerre and Orleans. dum eorum saisiri fecisti regalia,