1

continued in Illyria in many churches (the ritual books in the Glagolitic writing) down to the latest times.19

§ 39.

CONVERSION OF THE WENDS.

SOURCES: Widukindi (about 970) Corbej. Res gestae Saxonicae, libb. iii. (ap. Pertz. v. 408). Thietmarus (see preface to section 2). Adamus Bremensis (see preface to § 37) Helimoldi (preacher at Bosow, † 1170) Chronicon Slavorum, ed. H. Bangert. Lübeck. 1659. 4; and in Leibnit. Script. Brunsv. ii. 537.-L. Giesebrecht's wendische Geschichten aus den Jahren, 780 bis 1182. 3 Bde. Berlin. 1843. 8.

It was not to be expected that Christianity should meet with a friendly reception among the Wends, forced upon them as it was by German power, and in a foreign language. After Henry I. had conquered them, and erected the margraviates Meissen, North Saxony (Altmark), and East Saxony (Lausitz), about 931, Otto I. busied himself in the conversion of these people. The most enduring fruits of his efforts were among the Sorbi (in Meissen and Lausitz), where he founded the bishoprics Meissen, Merseburg, Zeiz (1029 transferred to Naumburg), and the archbishopric of Magdeburg, about 968.1

Otto had still earlier established among the Wilzi or Luti

sadors receive the following reply: Scitote, filii, quia haec, quae petere Gothi student, saepenumero audisse me recolo, sed propter Arianos, inventores literaturae hujusmodi, dare eis licentiam in sua lingua tractare divina, sicut praedecessores mei, sic et ego nulla tenus audeo, etc.

19 Approved by Innocent IV. in 1248. See Dobner in the Abhandhl. d. böhm. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. auf 1785, S. 174, s. Kopitar Glagolita Clozianus, p. xiii. xvii.

1 Donniges in Ranke's Jahrbüchern des deutschen Reichs, i. iii. 137, 222. Giesebrecht, i. 192. The oldest history of these bishoprics relates much of endowments, but little of conversions. The religious state of the country may be illustrated by an anecdote of Boso, first bishop of Merseburg, one of the most zealous of their bishops (Thietmar, ii. 23, ap. Pertz, v. 755) Hic ut sibi commissos eo facilius instrueret, Slavonica scripserat verba, et eos Kirieleison cantare rogavit (see above, § 10, note 37), exponens eis hujus utilitatem. Qui vecordes hoc in malum irrisorie mutabant Ukrivolsa, quod nostra lingua dicitur: Aeleri stat in frutecto (the alder stands in the thicket); dicentes: sic locutus est Boso. Comp. Chron. Episc. Merseburg (in J. P. a Ludewig reliquiae MSS. omnis aevi diplomatum, t. iv. p. 379) of Bishop Werner, from 1073-1101: Quem tantus divini verbi seminandi fervor accenderat, ut studio praedicationis episcopalia plerumque negotia postponeret, et lucrandis animabus omni virtute quasi providus pastor intenderet. Verum quia Schlavonicae linguae admodum ignarus erat, et eum cura pastoralis Schlavorum genti, quorum multitudinem copiosam error adhuc idololatriae detinebat, verbum salutis credere cogebat; libros Schlavonicae linguae sibi fieri jussit, ut Latinae linguae charactere idiomata linguae Schlavorum exprimeret, et quod non intelligeret, verbis stridentibus intelligendum aliis infunderet.

3

zians (between the Elbe and Oder), the bishoprics of Havelberg (946), and Brandenburg (949); and among the Obotrites (in Mecklenburg) the bishopric of Oldenburg (952, not far from Lubeck, 1163 transferred to Lubeck); but here the conversions did not reach farther than the Saxon garrisons extended their influence. The general insurrection of the Wends, under the prince of the Obotrites, Mistui or Mistewoi (983), was aimed alike at the German rulers and at Christianity. Mistewoi's grandson, Gottschalk, founder of the great Wendian empire (1047), fell a victim to his efforts in favor of Christianity (1066); and then all traces of it were effaced with wild rage for a long period."

$ 40.

CONVERSION OF THE POLES AND HUNGARIANS.

In Poland, Christianity was propagated from the time of Duke Mjesko or Miecislav, who had adopted it at the instance of his Bohemian spouse Dambrowka (966). Among the Prus

Chr. W. Spieker's Kirchen- u. Reformationsgesch. der Mark Brandenburg, Th. 1 (Berlin. 1839), S. 17. Köpke in Ranke's Jahrb. d. deutschen Reichs, i. ii. 64, 77. Giesebrecht, i. 175, 176.

* Jul. Wiggers Kirchengesch. Mecklenburgs, Parchim und Ludwigsluft, 1840, S. 18. Helmold, i. c. 14, ss. Kanngiesser's Gesch. v. Pommern, i. 128. Giesebrecht, i. 257. Wiggers, S. 19.

On Gottschalk's zeal, Helmold, i. c. 20: Sane magnae devotionis vir dicitur tanto religionis divinae exarsisse studio, ut sermonem exhortationis ad populum frequenter in Ecclesia ipse fecerit, ea scilicet, quae ab Episcopis vel Presbyteris mystice dicebantur, cupiens Slavicis verbis reddere planiora. Kanngiesser, i. 233, ff. Giesebrecht, ii. 85. Wiggers, S. 22. • Adam. Brem. iv. c. 11.-Helmold. i. c. 25: Slavi servitutis jugum armata manu submoverunt, tantaque animi obstinantia libertatem defendere nisi sunt, ut prius maluerint mori, quam christianitatis titulum resumere, aut tributa solvere Saxonum Principibus. Hanc sane contumeliam sibimet parturivit infelix Saxonum avaritia, qui-Slavorum gentes, quas bellis aut pactionibus subegerant, tantis vectigalium pensionibus gravaverunt, ut divinis legibus et Principum servituti refragari amara necessitate cogerentur (cap. 21: Saxones-semper proniores sunt tributis augmentandis, quam animabus Domino conquirendis. Decor enim christianitatis, sacerdotum instantia, jamdudum in Slavia convaluisset, si Saxonum avaritia non praepedisset).

1 Comp. Thietmar, iv. 35, ap. Pertz, v. 783, and the first Polish historian, Martini Galli (about 1130), Chron. (ed. J. V. Bandtkie. Varsav. 1824. 8), lib. i. c. 5. But though Martinus Gallus, 1. c. c. 11, and Vincentius Kadlubko (about 1200 bishop of Cracow, Res gestae Principum et Regum Poloniae per Vinc. Kadl. Varsav. 1824. 8. P. i. p. 92) makes the two archbishoprics, Gresen and Cracow, with seven bishoprics, to be founded by Boleslaw, son of Mjesko; and John Dlugossius (bishop of Lemberg, † 1480. Hist. Poloniae libb. xiii. ed. H. de Huyssen. Lips. 1711, fol. lib. ii. p. 91), even by Mjesko himself; it is more probable, according to Ditmar, that Posen had been the only Polish bishopric for a

sians, on the contrary, nothing but martyrdom had yet been obtained.2

Among the Hungarians, the first and more important advances of Christianity began under their Duke Geisa (972-997).3 Stephen, the first king (997-1038), rendered it victorious.'

long time. Comp. Chr. G. v. Friese, Kirchengesch. des Königreichs Polen (2 Th. Bres lau. 1786. 8), Th. 1. Rōpell's Geschicht. Polens. Th. 1. Hamburg. 1840. Giesebrecht's wend. Gesch. i. 196, 202. Epistola inedita Mathildis data 1027 ad Misegonem II. s. vindiciae iv. primorum Poloniae latino-christinae Regum, auct. Ph. A. Dethier. Berol. 1842. 8. Judicial laws for Christianity, Thietmar, viii. 2: Quicunque post septuagesimam carnem manducasse invenitur, abcisis dentibus graviter punitur. Lex namque divina in his regionibus noviter exorta, potestate tali melius quam jejunio ab Episcopis instituto corroboratur. As the conversion of the Poles was achieved chiefly by Bohemian and Moravian priests, many peculiarities of the Greek-Slavonian ritual have also come to the Poles, and have long continued there. Friese, i. 61. Krasinski's Gesch. d. Reform. in Polen, übers. v. Lindau (Leipz. 1841), S. 5. Still, however, Poland connected itself immediately with Rome. As early as Miecislav's son, Boleslav, we find him complaining, about 1012, to the pope (Thietmar, vi. 56), ut non liceret sibi propter latentes Regis (Henry II.) insidias promissum principi Apostolorum Petro persolvere censum.

2 Adalbert, bishop of Prague, murdered, 997, cf. vita Adalberti in Canis. Lectt. ant. ed. Basn. iii. i. 41, ap. Pertz, vi. 574. Voigt's Gesch. Preussens, i. 244, 650. Palacky's Gesch. von Böhmen, i. 233. Bruno, slain 1009, see Thietmar, vi. 58. Voigt, i. 281. Giesebrecht, ii. 19, 24.

3 The baptism of the Hungarian princes, Bulosudes and Gylas (Vérbules and Gyula) in Constantinople, A.D. 948 (Cedrenus, p. 636. Zonaras, lib. xvi. tom. p. 194) was indecisive. See Geschichte der Magyaren von Joh. Grafen Mailáth. Bd. 1 (Wien. 1828), S. 23, 32. The spread of Christianity in Hungary under Geisa proceeded from Germany, favored by the emperor Otto, promoted by Piligrin, bishop of Passau (see information to Benedict VII. A.D. 974, ap. Mansi, xix. 49. Since he considered himself as the successor of the old bishops of Lorch he asks here, that his metropolitan rights over Hungary might be restored), subsequently also by Adelbert, bishop of Prague, Mailáth, p. 31. Theitmar, viii. 3, ap. Pertz, v. 862, respecting the Christianity of Geisa, whom he calls Deuuix: Hic Deo omnipotenti variisque Deorum illusionibus immolans, cum ab antistite suo ob hoc accusaretur, divitem se et ad haec facienda satis potentem affirmavit. Comp. generally Gfrōrer, iii. iii. 1373. Neander, iv. 83.

The political character of this conversion shown in Schlosser's Weltgesch. ii. ii. 557. Thietmar, iv. 38, ap. Pertz, v. 784: Imperatoris autem (Ottonis III.) gratia et hortatu gener Heinrici, ducis Bawariorum, Waic (i. e., Stephen) in regno suimet episcopales cathedras faciens, coronam et benedictionem accepit. Bishop Chartvitius (about 1100) relates in his vita S. Stephani (in the Act. SS. ad d. 2. Sept., and in Schwandtneri Scriptt. rer. Hung. i. 417), that Stephen had sent Abbot Astricus to Rome A.D. 1001, to confirm the bishoprics already founded, and to obtain for the duke a regal crown. Just at that time a crown, it is said, was ready for the duke of the Poles, at Rome, but the pope had received instruction by an angel to bestow it on the embassador of an unknown people that appeared the next day. Thus, therefore, the pope granted the wishes of the Hungarians, crucemque ante Regem, ceu apostolatus insigne, gestandum adjunxit, ego, inquiens, sum Apostolicus; at ille merito Christi Apostolus dici potest, cujus opera tantum populum sibi Christus acquisivit. Atque ea causa, quemadmodum divina gratia ipsum docebit, Ecclesias Dei, una cum populis, nostra vice ei ordinandas relinquimus. Accordingly, Stephen also says in the trust-deed of a convent, A.D. 1036 in G. Fejér Cod. diplom. Hungariae, i. 328) Sicut habui potestatem, ut ubicunque, vel in quocunque loco vellem, Ecclesias aut Monasteria construerem; ita nihilominus a Romanae sedis supremo Pontifice habui auctoritatem, ut quibus vellem Ecclesiis, seu Monasteriis libertates et dignitates conferrem.

These violent conversions, however, still left in the people a very great inclination to Paganism."

SECOND PART.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.

FIRST CHAPTER.

RELATION OF THE GREEK CHURCH TO THE LATIN.

Partial, but useful, as collections are: Leo Allatius de Eccl. occid. et orient. perp. consen. sione. Colon. Agripp. 1648. 4. lib. ii. c. iv. ss. L. Maimbourg Hist. du schisme des Grecs. Paris 1677. 4, and often reprinted.-Besides J. Gf. Hermann Hist. concertationum de pane azymo et fermentato in coena Domini. Lips. 1737. 8. J. G. Walchii Hist. controversiae Graecorum Latinorumque de processione Spiritus Sancti. Jenae. 1751. 8. ` p. 32, ss.

§ 41.

CONTROVERSIES OF PHOTIUS WITH THE POPES.

SOURCES. Besides the acts cited in the notes below, the following works by contemporaries. By Greeks: Vita S. Ignatii by Nicetas David Paphlago (in the acts of the conc. viii. oecum. ap. Mausi, xvi. 209), Metrophanis Ep. Smyrn. Epist. ad Manuelem Patric. A.D. 870 (Latin translation by Baronius ann. 870 no. 45, ss.), Styliani Mapae Ep. Neocaesar. Epist. i. ad Stephanum P. V. A.D. 886 (ap. Mansi, xvi. 425, ss., in an old Latin version, xviii. 14). By Latins: Anastasii Bibl. praef. ad conc. viii. oec. (Mansi, xvi. 1, ss.); ejusd. vit. cvii. Nicolai I. et cviii. Hadriani II., all unfair to Photius. Later historians: Theophanes continuatus (written at the instance of Constantine Porphyrogenn. about 940) lib. iv. de Michaele c. 30, ss. lib. v. de Basilio Mag. and Symeonis Magistri et Logothetae (about 967) Annal. c. 28 ss. (Theophanes cont. Joannes Cameniata, Symeon Mag. Georgius Mon. ex recogn. I. Bekkeri. Bonnae. 1838. 8.-Cf. Mart. Hankii de By. zantinarium rerum scriptoribus liber. Lips. 1677. 4. p. 269, ss. Neander, iv. 409. Gfrōrer, iii. i. 233.

The old jealousy between the hierarchs of old and new Rome broke forth afresh, when Ignatius, patriarch of Constantinople,

These rights over the church were always held fast by the Hungarian kings. See A. F. Kollár de Originibus et usu perpetuo potestatis legislatoriae circa sacra apostolicorum Regum Hungariae. Vindob. 1764. 8. c. 24. The bull issued at that time, as is pretended, by Sylvester II. (ap. Fejér, i. 274) agrees for the most part word for word with Chartvitius, but adds besides, that Hungary was given over by Stephen to St. Peter, and again received as fief. It is said to have been discovered again in 1550, but was first brought to light in the Annal. ecclesiast. regni Hungar. Romae. 1644, of the Jesuit Inchofer, to whom it was given by the Franciscan Raphael Levakovicz in Rome. From the latter's own letters it has been proved that he forged this bull, Kollár, p. 157. Its authenticity. however, is defended by Gfrörer, iii. iii. 1534.

• Reaction of paganism in the disturbances that followed Stephen's death. Schröckh, Th. 21, S. 550. Schlosser, Bd. 2, Th. 2, S. 578, ff. 665 ff.

was deposed at the instigation of Caesar Bardas by the Emperor Michael III., and Photius appointed in his place (858). When an ecclesiastical schism took place on this account in Constantinople, and Pope Nicolaus was invited to adjust it,' instead of acting as mediator he immediately assumed the character of supreme judge. The legates whom he sent to Con

The letter of the Emperor Michael is lost. Nicolaus relates (Ep. i. ad univ Cathol. ap. Mansi, xv. 160): Imp. Michael—ad apostolatum nostrum legatis cum epistolis destinatis, accusationes quasdam adversus Ignatium deferentibus, petiit, ut a sede apostolica missos daremus, qui scandala illa sedarent et schismata dissiparent. In the same words Ep. ix. ad Michael. Imp. p. 218, and Ep. x. ad cler. Constant. p. 241.-Photius's writing (ap. Baron. Ann. 859 no. 61, ss.) is a usual Enthronistica.

2 Nic. Ep. ii. ad Michael. Imp. and Ep. iii. ad Photium. In the first, reproaches that Ignatius was deposed, without the knowledge of the pope, for, a patribus et deliberatum ac observatum existit, qualiter absque Romanae sedis, Romanique Pontificis consensu, nullius insurgentis deliberationis terminus daretur. Then, that Photius a layman, should have been made bishop. So also ad Photium, p. 168: Sed rectum vos ordinem minime continuisse dolemus, eo quod non per gradus Ecclesiae ductus ad tantum honorem de laici habitu vos prosiluistis.-Nam Sardicense concilium per omnia tantae temeritatis praesumtionem vetuit, pariter et ss. Pontificum Romanae sedis, Caelestini-Leonis-seu Gelasii doctrina. Quapropter vestrae consecrationi consentire modo non possumus, donec nostri, qui a nobis Constantinopolim sunt directi, revertantur, qualiter per eos cognoscamus vestrae observationis actus, et ecclesiasticae utilitatis constantiam, etc. Photius's reply (ap. Baron. Ann. 861, no. 34, ss.):-At canones, inquiunt, violati sunt, quod ad pontificatus fastigium e laicorum ordine adscendisti.-Quales autem canones hi, quorum asseritur praevaricatio? quos ad hunc diem Constantinopolitanorum Ecclesia non accepit.-Multi canones aliis traditi sunt, aliis ne noti quidem sunt. Qui accipit et violat, dignus, qui in judicium inducatur: qui vero non novit, nec recipit, quomodo obnoxius est?-Legitimis nuptiis Presbyter Romae uxori conjunctus non invenitur : nos vero eos, qui unico conjugio vitae suae moderati sunt, edocti sumus in Presbyteri gradum efferre, eosque, qui hoc in discrimine ponunt, ac se secernunt, ne ab his Domini corporis participationem capiant, undique excludimus, eodem loco ducentes eos, qui legem aut fornicationis sanciunt aut nuptiarum tollunt. Quaedam vero ne ab iis quidem, qui delinquunt (quod quidem sciam), quod fiunt, laudantur ob summam fortasse absurditatem.-Quis enim sabbatissare, qui in Christianis censeatur, etiam si millies his succumbat, non ejuret? Quis se conjugium execrari legitimum, nisi quis impiorum ac sine Deo hominum sententiam opifici proponat? -Quis autem dominicorum, et paternorum, et synodalium decretorum (ne sigillatim dicam) non revereatur confiteri, se moliri contemtum ?-testes apud nos et regulis nostris ad tres numeramus, qui si caeteroqui vitio careant, satis sunt ad fidem veritati faciendam quamvis in Episcopi crimen adsciscantur: apud alios vero nisi testium numerus superet septuaginta quasi populum, qui accusatur, quantumvis in re ipsa fuerit deprehensus, omni crimine liber absolvitur. As there is a reference in this passage to a Roman regulation developed in the ninth century, and adopted also by Pseudo-Isidore (see § 20, note 5), so we must not overlook generally the bitter irony of this letter against Roman ecclesiastical customs, in order that a right view of Nicolaus' conduct and Photius' Encyclica may be obtained. Hear, however, the conclusion: Canonum custodia a quovis bono debetur : magis vero ab iis, qui divinae providentiae dignatione alios regunt: omnium sane maxime, quibus in horum numero primatus obtigit.—Quare vestra debet amabilis beatitudo, ecclesiasticam disciplinam ac modestiam in omnibus curae habens, et canonicam tenens rectitudinem, eos qui sine commendatitiis literis ad Romanam Ecclesiam hinc proficiscuntur (followers of Ignatius, namely), non temere ac fortuito recipere, nec sinere hospitalitatis specie odii fraterni jaci semina, etc.