in German jurisprudence; though they had hitherto generally overlooked it, or in part directly discountenanced it. By this means, they certainly rescued many a victim from superstition. by their mild use of the instrument.3 Of like utility in this rude and fierce age was the truce of God (treuga Dei),' first

causa cujuslibet generis pugna vel campus ad examinationem judicetur). Lewis the Debonaire forbade also Capit. ann. 816, c. 27, examinationem crucis, ne quae Christi passione glorificata est cujuslibet temeritate contemptui habeatur, and though still Pope Eugenius II. prescribed ritus probationis per aquam frigidam (in Mabillon. Analect. p. 161), yet Lewis ordained, Cap. Wormat. ann. 829, tit. ii. c. 12 (Baluz. i. 668), ut examen aquae frigidae, quod hactenus faciebant, a Missis nostris omnibus interdicatur ne ulterius fiat. Against the ordeal generally Agobard declared himself (see above, § 10, note 13). So also Pope Stephen V. Epist. ad Leutbertum (not Heribertum, as Baron. ann. 890, no. 7, has) Episc. Moguntin. about 888 (Mansi, xviii. 25): Ferri candentis vel aquae ferventis examinatione confessionem extorqueri a quolibet, sacri non censent canones: et quod SS. Patrum documento sancitum non est, superstitiosa adinventione non est praesumendum. Still later papal disapprovals see in d'Achery notae ad Guiberti Abb. Opp. Paris. 1651. fol. p. 661.

2 First defended by Hincmar. de Divort. Loth. et Theutb. (see § 21, note 5), especially with Num. v. 11, ss., and in his Epist. 39, ad Hildegarum Ep. Meldensem. Conc. Wormat. ann. 868, can. 15 (Mansi, xv. 872) decrees that, in cases of theft in convents, the suspected monks pro expurgatione sua corpus et sanguinem Domini nostri J. Chr. percipiant. Conc. Tribur. ann. 895, can. 21: Presbyter vice juramenti per s. consecrationem interrogetur : on the other hand, a suspected layman, can. 22, aut Episcopo vel suo misso discutiente, per ignem candenti ferro caute examinetur. But the ordeal by duel remained forbidden, conc. Valent. ann. 855, c. 12. Nicolai I. Ep. 50, ad Carol. Calv. A.D. 867 (Mansi, xv. 319). Directions for the hindrance of ordeals in Aethelstani B. Angl. Constitutt. ann. 928, c. 5 (Wilkin's Conc. M. Brit. i. 206, Mansi, xviii. 353). Ordo diffusior probandi homines de crimine suspectos per ignitos vomeres, candens ferrum aquam, ferventem s. frigidam, in B. Pez. Thes. anecdot. ii. p. 2. Comp. F. Maier Gesch. d. Ordalien. Jena. 1795. 8. Zwicker über d. Ordale. Gött. 1818. 8. Especially M. Gerbert. Monum. veteris liturg. Alleman. ii. 553.

William Rufus, king of England, said, in 1096, when fifty nobles had purified themselves in his presence by the fire-proof process (Spellmann Codex legum Angliae, in Houard Anciennes loix des François. Rouen. 1766. ii. 213): Meo judicio amodo respondebitur, non Dei, quod pro voto cujusque hinc inde plicetur.

Even before, the bishops had attempted to put an end entirely to private feuds. Thus, A.D. 994, in a time of pestilence, at a council held at Limoges pactum pacis et justitia a Duce et Principibus vicissim foederata est (Chron. Ademari, written 1029, ap. Bouquet, x. 147). Thus in 1016 King Robert proposed a council at Orleans de pace componenda (Fulberti Carnot. Ep. 21, ad Robert. ibid. p. 454). Comp. farther, Bouquet, x. 172, 224, 379. Besides, the bishops of Burgundy had made a decree, ut tam sese, quam omnes homines sub sacramento constringerent, pacem videlicet et justitiam servaturos (Balderici Chron. Camerac. et Atrebat. written 1082, lib. iii. c. 27, ibid. p. 201); in like manner the Aquitanian bishops in conc. Lemovic. ii. ann. 1031 (Mansi, xix. 530, comp. § 35, note 12), and their example was followed by the other French provinces, Glaber Radulph. iv. cap 5, ap. Bouquet, x. 49; and especially Chron. Camerac. et Abrebat. ap. Bouquet, xi. 122: Istiusmodi decretum a Franciae Episcopis datum est servari subjectis sibi populis. Unus eorum caelitus sibi delatus dixit esse litteras, quae pacem monerent renovandam in terra. Arma quisquam non ferret, direpta non repeteret: sui sanguinis vel cujuslibet proximi altor minime existens, percussoribus cogeretur indulgere, etc. Here the language throughout relates to a total abolition of club law; and therefore the pax, which was the object of all such attempts has been erroneously confounded with the later treuga. Gerardus Abb.

established in Aquitania (1041), but soon adopted in the neighboring countries also."

(Miracul. S. Adalhardi lib. i. written about 1030, ap. Bouquet, x. 379) thus describes one of these compacts belonging to the year 1021: Ambianensis et Corbeïenses cum suis Patronis (remains of patron saints) conveniunt, integram, pacem, i. e., totius hebdomadae (in opposition to the latter treuga) decernunt, ut si qui disceptarent inter se aliquo dissidio, non se vindicarent praeda aut incendio, donec statuta die ante ecclesiam coram Pontifice et comite fieret pacificalis declamatio. As this complete peace could not be attained, the Treuga Dei was substituted. Comp. Stenzel's Gesch. Deutchlands unter den frank. Kaisern, i. 88.

Glaber Radulph. v. c. 1 (Bouq. x. 59): Anno MXLI. contigit, inspirante divina gratia, primitus in partibus Aquitanicis, deinde paulatim per universum Galliarum territorium, firmari pactum propter timorem Dei pariter et amorem: taliter ut nemo mortalium a feriae quartae vespere usque ad secundum feriam incipiente luce, ausu temerario praesumeret quippiam alicui hominum per vim auferre, neque ultionis vindictam a quocumque inimico exigere, nec etiam a fidejussore vadimonium sumere; quod si ab aliquo contigisset contra hoc decretum publicum aut de vita componeret, aut a Christianorum consortio expulsus patria pelleretur. Hoc insuper placuit universis, veluti vulgo dicitur, ut Treuga Domini vocaretur: quae videlicet non solum humanis fulta praesidiis, verum etiam multotiens divinis suffragata terroribus. Contigit enim, ut dum paene-per totas Gallias hoc statutum firmiter custodiretur, Neustriae gens illud suscipere recusaret. Deinde quoque occulto Dei judicio coepit desaevire in ipsorum plebibus divina ultio: consumsit enim mortifer ardor multos, etc. Hugo Flaviniacensis in Chron. Virdunense (written 1102) ap. Bouquet, xi. 145, relates the same more briefly, ad ann. 1041, and then adds; Superest adhuc domnus Eduensis Episc.-qui et referre solitus est, quia cum a S. Odilone et caeteris ipsa pax divinis revelationibus instituta, Treva Dei appellata, et ab Austrasiis suscepta fuisset,negotium hoc strenuitati hujus patris nostri Gratiae Dei ab omnibus impositum est, ut ejus studio et industria pax eadem in Neustria servaretur, etc. The oldest document on the subject is the Sermo et confirmatio SS. Patrum, A.D. 1041, by Raginbaldus Arelat. Archiep., Benedictus, Avenionensis, Nitardus Nicensis, Ab. Odilo and all the Gallic clergy, addressed to the clergy of Italy, recommending the treuva Dei (in Martene et Durand. Thesaur. anecdot. i. 161, Mansi, xix. 593) :-Quicumque hanc pacem et treuvam Dei observaverint, ac firmiter tenuerint, sint absoluti a Deo Patre omnipotente, et Filio ejus J. Chr. et Spiritu S., de S. Maria cum choris virginum, et de S. Michaele cum choris angelorum, et de S. Petro-cum omnibus Sanctis-. Qui vero treuvam promissam habuerint, et se sciente infringere voluerint, sint excommunicati a Deo Patre, etc., maledicti et detestati, hic et in perpetuum, et sint damnati sicut Dathan et Abiron, et sicut Judas, qui tradidit Dominum, et sint demersi in profondum inferni, sicut Pharao in medio maris, si ad emendationem non venerint. Afterward adopted by William Duke of Normandy, 1042 (Mansi, xix. 597) Constitutt. pacis et treugae in vico Ausonensi (Marca Hispan. illustr. a P. de Marca, app. p. 1140, and ap. Bouquet, xi. 512), Excerpta concilii apud S. Aegidium habiti 1042, (ap. de Marca de Conc. Sac. et Imp. annexed to lib. iv. c. 14, ed. Boehmer, p. 416, ap. Bouquet, xi. 513), conc. Tulugiense (Tulujes at Perpignan, about 1045, ap. de Marca, 1. c. p. 409; and ap. Bouquet, xi. 510.) Synod Helenensis (Perpignan) sub Oliba Ep. Ausonensi, A.D. 1047 (ap. de Marca, p. 411; Bouquet, p. 514), where the time of the treuga is already brought down ab hora sabbati nona usque in die lunis hora prima. Conc. Narbonense, A.D. 1054 (de Marca, p. 412; Bouq. p. 514; Mansi, xix. 827). Often renewed subsequently.

SEVENTH CHAPTER.

SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.

§ 37.

IN THE NORTH OF EUROPE.

Chief anthority: Adami Bremensis (wrote between 1072 and 1076) Hist. eccles. praesertim Bremensis libb. iv. (prim. ed. A. S. Vellejus Hafniae, 1579) and ejusd. Lib. de situ Daniae et reliquarum, quae trans Daniam sunt, regionum natura, moribus et religione, ed. Erpold. Lindenbrogius. Lugd. Bat. 1595. 4; and in his Scriptt. rerum germ. septentrionalium. Francof. 1609. fol. J. J. Maderus. Helmst. 1670. 4, translated with remarks by Carsten Misegaes. Bremen. 1825. 8. Cf. Jac. Asmussen de Fontibus Adami Brem. comm. Kiliae. 1834. 4.

In Denmark, where Anschar had established Christianity in its weak beginnings (comp. above, § 16), it had afterward to suffer much persecution, till the German king, Henry I., extorted toleration for it from Gorm the Old (about 934). Accordingly, the number of the Christians increased under King Harald Blaatand (from 941-991), especially in Jutland. This was in a great measure owing to intercourse with the Normans, who had been longer settled and converted in England, and France especially under Rollo or Robert (911).1 On the other hand, it was checked by the apparent connection of Christianity with German sovereignty, particularly after Harald had been compelled to submit to baptism by Otto I.2 (about 965). This

Depping Hist. des expeditions maritimes des Normands et de leur établissement en France au dixième siècle. Paris. 1826. 2 voll. 8.

2 See Asmussen über die Kriegszüge der Ottone gegen Dänemark, in Michelsen's and Asmussen's Archiv. f. Staats- u. Kirchengesch. v. Schleswig, Holstein u. Lauenburg, Bd. 1 (Altona. 1833), S. 197.

Of what character Christianity had been up to this time in Denmark may be seen from the narration of Widukind, the contemporary monk of Corbey, iii. 65 (Pertz, v. 462): Dani antiquitus erant Christiani, sed nihilominus idolis ritu gentili servientes. Contigit autem altercationem super cultura deorum fieri in quodam convivio Rege praesente, Danis affirmantibus, Christum quidem esse deum, sed alios eo fore majores deos, quippe qui potiora mortalibus signa et prodigia per se ostenderent. On the other hand, a cleric, Poppo, confessed the Christian faith and stood the fire-proof for it (comp. on the transaction Giesebrecht's Wendische Geschichten, i. 197). Ad haec rex conversus, Christum deum solum colendum decrevit, idola respuenda subjectis gentibus imperat, Dei sacerdotibus et minis tris honorem debitum deinde praestitit. Otto at that time erected the three bishoprics of Schleswig, Ripen, and Aarhus in Jutland, and subordinated them to the Archbishop of Hamburg. Adam. Brem. Hist. eccl. lib. ii. c. 2, de situ Daniae, c. 1.

was especially the case in the islands, where the heathen were the more numerous. At the head of the foes of Christianity appeared at first Swen, heir to the throne; but after he had become king (991-1014), and began to invade England, he tolerated and even favored its spread. His son, Knut the Great († 1035), completed the work by means of English priests.'

In Norway Christianity had first been introduced from England, and was obliged, in the beginning, to encounter very severe struggles, till Olaf Trygvesen (995-1000) undertook the conversion of his countrymen by force, which work was completed by Olaf the Holy (1019-1033), in the same mode. From Norway, Christianity was carried, by Olaf Trygvesen's endeavors, to Iceland, the Faro and Shetland Isles, and even to Greenland.

8

In Sweden, Christianity had increased its votaries in a more peaceful way, from the time of Anschar, though it was very often mingled with paganism. From the time of Olaf SkautKonung (baptized about 1008), the kings were Christians. King Inge at length forbade all worship of idols (1075), and obtained for Christianity complete victory in Sweden, after a severe contest with the rebellious heathen of his kingdom.'

All these countries belonged to the ecclesiastical province of the archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen, till, A.D. 1104, the archbishopric of Lund was founded, and the north subjected to it.1o

Annales Ecclesiae Danicae diplomatici zusammengetragen von Erich Pontoppidan. (Th. 1 bis Th. 4. Bd. 1. Copenh. 1741–1753. 4.) Th. 1. F. Münter's Kirchengeschichte v. Dänemark und Norwegen. Th. 1 (Leipz. 1823. 8), S. 322, ff.

5 Chief authority is Snorro Sturleson's († 1241) Heimskringla (History of the Norwegian kings) translated into German by F. Wachter, Leipz. 1835, 36. 8), and in it especially Olaf. Trygvesens Saga u. Saga af Olafi hin Helga. Münter. i. 429.

• Authorities are the Iceland-book of the priest Are the Wise († 1148), c. 7, ss. translated in Dahlmann's Forschungen auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte, Bd. 1 (Altona. 1822), S. 472, ff; the Hungurvaka s. Hist. primorum quinque Skalholtensium in Islandia Episcoporum (probably by Magnus, from 1215 bishop at Skalholt). Hafn. 1778. 8 (an extract in Schneider's Bibliothek d. Kirchengesch. i. 265; and the Kristni-Saga s. Hist. religionis christ. in Islandiam introductae (of the 14th century). Hafn. 1773. 8. Fini Johannaei (Finnur Joensen, bishop of Iceland) Hist. eccl. Islandiae. Hafn. 1772-75. 3 t. 4. (Comp. the Göttingen Geleb. Anz. A.D. 1777, S. 273 ff.) Münter, i. 517.

7 Münter, i. 548.

Münter, i. 555.

• Claudii Oernbjalm Historia Sueonum Gothorumque ecclesiasticae libb. iv. priores. Stockholm, 1689. 4. Rühs Gesch. v. Schweden (also as the sixty-third part of the Allgem. Welthistorie. Halle, 1803). 2tes Buch.

10 Münter, ii. 76.

§ 38..

CONVERSION OF THE MORAVIANS AND BOHEMIANS.

The conversion of the Slavonian nations dwelling to the east of Bavaria was looked upon as their official duty, both by the archbishop of Salzburg, to whom it had been intrusted by Charlemagne, and the bishop of Passau, who laid claim to the metropolitan rights of the ancient archbishopric of Lorch. But from the entire dissimilarity of language, Christianity could not attain to life in these lands; while the external condition of it always depended on the degree of German influence.1 Very different, however, was the success of the two Greek monks, Constantine and Methodius,' who, after previous missionary

1 Respecting Salzburg's endeavors, which were directed toward the Slavonians dwelling south of the Raab river, especially toward the state of Little Moravia, Pannonia Savia (Slavonia, Croatia, and a part of Styria), ruled since 830 by Priminna († 861), afterward by Chozil, under French sovereignty, see de Conversione Bojoariorum et Carentanorum, written by a Salzburg priest, A.D. 873 (in Marquardi Freheri Rer. Bohemicarum scriptt. p. 15; more complete, but from Aventin's copy, which is not verbally accurate, in Oefelii Scriptt. rer. Boic. i. 780. First critical edition in B. Kopitar Glagolita Clozianus, i. e., codicis glagolitici antiquissimi λɛipavov. Viennae. 1836. fol. p. lxxii). The Salzburg archbishops, from the time of Arno, maintained an Episc. regionarium for the Slavonians, but Adelwin entirely took away this office (before 865), and took the few churches under his own inspection. Bishop Urolf of Passau even went so far as to appoint beforehand four suffragan bishops for his portion, and had these confirmed by Eugenius II. about 824 (Eugen. II. bulla in Goldast. Comm. de regn. Bohem. juribus, ed. Schmiuck, t. i. Opp. p. 1, ap. Mansi, t. xiv., and often with a commentary in Hageki, Ann. Bohem. ed. Dobner, ii. 486) but his only object in this was to have suffragans to keep up the appearance of being successor to the old archbishop of Lorch. We know nothing of the efforts of the bishops of Passau to bring Christianity to Great Moravia, where Ratislaw reigned till 870, and Swatopluk till 894.

2 Sources: I. Latin: 1. Vita Constant. cum translatione S. Clementis (Act. SS. Mart. ii. 19, composed, perhaps, by Gaudericus, bishop of Velitrae, a contemporary, ib. p. 15, ap. Dobrowsky: the Italian legend). 2. Presbyteri Diocleatis (about 1161) regnum Slavorum, c. 8, ss. (in Jo. Lucii de Regno Dalmat. et Croat. Amsteld. 1666. fol. p. 288, ss., in J. G. Schwandtneri Scriptt. rer Hungar. iii. 479, and in Schlözer's Nestor, iii. 153). 3. Bohemian legends: (a.) Vita S. Ludmillae (Dobner in the Abhandl. d. böhm. Ges. d. Wiss. auf 1786, S. 417. Dobrowsky krit. Versuche i. 70). (b.) Vita S. Ludmillae et S. Wenceslai auct. Christanno de Scala mon. (partly in the Act. SS. Sept. v. 354, and vii. 825. The extracts belonging here are are also found Mart. ii. 24. The author addresses the preface to Bishop Adalbert (about 983), and claims to be great-grandson of Ludmilla. Dobner ad Hageki, ann. iv. 328). According to Dobrowsky both legends (a) and (b), belong to the first half of the 14th century. (c.) Vita SS. Cyrilli et Methodii. (The first half is borrowed from the Italian legend, the second from Christiana. According to Dobrowsky it was composed in the 14th century in Moravia, hence called the Moravian legend, reprinted in Act. SS. Mart. ii. 22, and in Schlözer's Nestor, iii. 154; best by Dobrowsky: Mähr. Le