SIXTH CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF CHURCH DISCIPLINE.

PARTICULAR SOURCES: Besides the capitularies of the French kings, and the decrees of synods and individual bishops: Halitgarii Ep. Cameracensis († 831) Opus de vitiis et virtutibus, remediis peccatorum, et ordine vel judiciis poenitentiae, libb. vi. (in Canisii Lectt. ant. ed. Basnage, t. ii. P. ii. p. 87).

§ 19.

By the laws concerning penance, which had long ago become milder, it was now established, that only public sins should be visited with public penance, and that too by bishops in synodical judicatures; while private offenses were confessed to the priests, who immediately granted absolution under the condition of a time of penance to be expected afterward,' without, however, holding confession to be an indispensable condition of the forgiveness of sins.3

The substitution of other so-called penitential works for

1 See above 8, note 26.

S. Bonifacii Statuta (A. D. 745, first in d'Achery Spicil. i. 507, ap. Mansi, xii. 386), c. 31, and thence extracted in Capitularium, lib. vi. c. 206, where the corrupted text must be corrected after that source: Quia varia necessitate praepedimur, Canonum statuta de reconciliandis poenitentibus pleniter observare, propterea omnino non dimittatur. Curet unusquisque Presbyter (an addition in the capit.: jussione Episcopi de occultis tantum, quia de manifestis Episcopos semper convenit judicare), statim post acceptam confessionem poenitentium, singulos data oratione reconciliari. Capitula Rodulfi Archiep. Bituricensis (in Baluzii Miscell. vi. 139. Mansi, xiv. 962) c. 44: Quorum peccata in publico sunt, in publico debet esse poenitentia per tempora, quae Episcopi arbitrio poenitentibus secundum differentiam peccatorum decernuntur. Quorum antem peccata occulta sunt, et spontanea confessione soli tantummodo Presbytero ab eis fuerint revelata, horum occulta debet esse poenitentia secundum Presbyteri judicium, cui confessi sunt, ne infirmi in Ecclesia scandalizentur videntes eorum poenas, quorum penitus ignorant causas. The procedure at confession is described by Alcuinus de Divinis officiis (de Div. off. libri, ed. M. Hittorp. Colon. 1568. fol. p. 51.) How much rarer public penance had become is shown by the decrees of the three councils, A.D. 613, Arelat. c. 26, Rhem. c. 31, Cabilon. c. 25, Jonas Episc. Aurelian. († 843) de Institutione laicorum lib. i. c. 10. (d'Achery Spicileg. i. 258), Rhaban de Instit. cleric. c. 30, cf. J. Morinus de Disciplina in administratione sacramenti poenitentiae. Paris. 1651. fol. R. v. Raumer's Einwirkung des Christenth. auf die althochdeutsche Sprache. Stuttgart. 1845. S. 254.

3 Theodulfi Episc. Aurelian. Capitulare ann. 797 ad parochiae suae sacerdotes, c. 30. (Mansi, xiii. p. 1001): Omni etenim die Deo in oratione nostra, aut semel, aut bis, aut quanto amplius possumus, confiteri debemus peccata nostra. Quia confessio, quam sacerdotibus facimus, hoc nobis adminiculum affert, quia accepto ab eis salutari consilio, saluberrimis poenitentiae observationibus, sive mutuis orationibus peccatorum maculas diluimus. Confessio vero, quam soli Deo facimus, in hoc juvat, quia quanto nos memores

the penitential time, the conditions for doing which acts had already found their way into the libri poenitentiales,' was still considered an abuse. As excommunication became less frequent,

sumus peccatorum nostrorum, tanto horum Deus obliviscitur: et e contrario, quanto nos horum obliviscimur, tanto Dominus reminiscitur. Conc. Cabilon. ann. 813, can. 33: Quidam Deo solummodo confiteri debere dicunt peccata, quidam vero sacerdotibus confitenda esse percenset: quod utrumque non sine magno fructu intra sanctam fit Ecclesiam. Ita dumtaxat et Deo, qui remissor est peccatorum, confiteamur peccata nostra, et cum David dicamus: "Delictum meum cognitum tibi feci," etc. (Ps. xxxii. 5.) Et secundum institutionem Apostoli confiteamur alterutrum peccata nostra, et oremus pro invicem, ut salvemur (Jac. v. 16). Confessio itaque, quae Deo fit, purgat peccata: ea vero, quae sacerdoti fit, docet, qualiter ipsa purgentur peccata. Deus namque salutis et sanitatis auctor et largitor, plerumque hanc praebet suae potentiae invisibili administratione, plerumque medicorum operatione.

Particularly in England, first in Theodori Cantuar. Lib. poenit. (see Vol. I. Div. II. 133, note 11. Then similar insertions are found in the Lib. poen. Romanus, as well as in the shorter edition, which Halitgar. Camerac, appended to his books de poenitentia (ap. Canisius-Basnage, ii. ii. 134), as well as in the more copious edition (ibid. p. 122 and 129).

Conc. Cloveshov. ann. 747 (under Cuthbert, the second successor of Theodore in the see of Canterbury) can. 26 (ap. Mansi, xii. 403): Postremo igitur (sicuti nova adinventio, juxta placitum scilicet propriae voluntatis suae, nunc plurimis periculosa consuetudo est) non sit eleemosyna porrecta ad minuendam vel ad mutandam satisfactionem per jejunium et reliqua expiationis opera, a sacerdote Dei pro suis criminibus jure canonico indictam, sed magis ad augmentandum emendationem suam, ut eo citius placetur divinae indigna tionis ira. Bonum est omnino psalmodiae insistere, bonum est genua saepius veraci flectere intentione, bonum est eleemosynas quotidie dare: sed pro his non est abstinentia remittenda, non est jejunium impositum semel juxta Ecclesiae regulam, sine qua nou remittuntur ulla peccata, relaxandum. Can. 27: Non eis eo licentius-peccare-vel jejunium pro peccatis indictum relaxare, vel eleemosynas minus largire, ullo modo licet, quo pro ipsis alios psalmos cantare putant, vel jejunare. Nuper quidam dives secundum hoc saeculum, petens reconcilationem pro magno quodam facinore suo citius sibi dari, affirmans in suis literis idem nefas juxta multorum promissa in tantum esse expiatum, ut si deinceps vivere possit, trecentorum annorum pro eo plene jejunium, satisfactionum modis per aliorum scilicet psalmodiam, et jejunium, et eleemosynas, persolutum esset, excepto illius jejunio, et quamvis ipse utcumque vel parum jejunaret. Ergo si ita placari per alios potest divina justitia, cur divites-difficilius voce veritatis regnum intrare caelorum dicuntur? etc. Conc. Cabilonense, ann. 813, can. 36, against those, qui ex industria peccantes propter eleemosynarum largitionem quandam sibi promittunt impuni tatem. Can. 38: Modus autem poenitentiae peccata sua confitentibus aut per antiquorum canonum institutionem, aut per S. Scripturarum auctoritatem, aut per ecclesiasticam consuetudinem-imponi debet, repudiatis ac penitus eliminatis libellis quos poenitentiales vocant quorum sunt certi errores, incerti auctores. Qui dum pro peccatis gravibus leves quosdam et inusitatos imponunt poenitentiae modos, consuunt pulvillos secundum propheticum sermonum, sub omni cubito manus, et faciunt cervicalia sub capite universae aetatis ad capiendas animas, Ezech. xiii. 18 (repeated in Conc. Mogunt. ann. 847, c. 31, and in the Capitulis Rodulfi Archiepisc. Bituricensis c. 33. ap. Mansi, xiv. 958; similarly Conc. Paris. ann. 829, lib. i. c. 32). Can. 45: Nam et a quibusdam, qui Romam Turonumve, et alia quaedam loca sub praetextu orationis inconsulte peragrant, plurimum erratur. Sunt Presbyteri et Diacones et caeteri in clero constituti, qui negligenter viventes, in eo purgari se a peccatis putant, et ministerio suo fungi debere, si praefata loca attingant. Sunt nibilominus laici, qui putant se impune peccare aut peccasse, quia haec loca oraturi frequentant-non attendentes quod ait b. Hieronymus : Non Hierosolymam vidisse sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse landandum est. Qui vero peccata sua sacerdotibus, in quorum

6

in consequence of this arrangement in the system of penance, it had become inore fearful by the civil forfeitures which were connected with it, and by the distinction which began to be made in the ninth century between excommunication and anathema.3 Besides, in all matters of this kind the highest appeal was to the diocesan bishop.9

sunt parochiis, confessi sunt, et ab his agendae poenitentiae consilium acceperunt, si orationibus insistendo, eleemosynas largiendo, vitam emendando, mores componendo, Apostolorum limina, vel quorumlibet Sanctorum invisere disiderant, horum est devotio modis omnibus collaudanda.

Caroli M. Capit. iii. anni 803, and thence extracted in Capitul. lib. i. c. 136, lib. vi. c. 217: Ut excommunicationes passim (for which capit. lib. vi. subito) et sine causa non fiant. 7 Cf. § 8, note 25.

The germs of such a distinction in Augustin. Hom. 50, de Poenitentia: Prohibitio (a communione) mortalis and medicinalis. Syn. Rom. v. sub Symmacho A.D. 504 (Mansi, viii. 298): Si vero monachus aut laicis fuerit, communione privetur, et si non emendaverit vitium, anathemate feriatur. Cf. du Pin de Ant. eccl. discipl. p. 261, ss. Synodus Regiaticina A.D. 850, can. 12: Hoc autem omnibus Christianis intimandum est, quia hi, qui sacri altaris communione privati, et pro suis sceleribus reverendis adytis exclusi publicae poenitentiae subjugati sunt, nullo militiae saecularis ut concilio, nullamque reipublicae debent administrare dignitatem. Qui vero administratione Episcopi seu sacerdotum perpetrato palam scelere poenitentiae remedium suscipere noluerint, magis abjiciendi sunt, anathematizandi scilicet, tamquam putrida ac desperata membra ab universalis Ecclesiae corpore dissecandi, cujusmodi jam inter Christianos nulla legum, nulla morum, nulla collegii participatio est, quibus neque in ipso exitu communicatur, et quorum neque post mortem saltem inter defunctos fideles commemoratio fit. Sed si ad hoc irrevocabile judicium obdurati cordas contemtus trabit, non sine magna tamen examinatione venien

dum est, et omnia sacerdoti prius experienda, nec absque metropolitani cogitatione, et provincialum Episcoporum communi judicio quemlibet anathematizandum esse permitti mus. Comp. Arsenii Episc. (legate of Nicol. I.) Ep. gener. ad omnes Episc. (ap. Mansi, xv. 326). Planck's Gesch. d. kirchlichen Gesellschaftsverfassung, iii. 507.

Ahytonis Episc. Basiliensis Capitulare (about 820), c. 18 (Mansi, xiv. 396): Nullus ordinatus sive ordinandus migret de sua parochia ad aliam nec ad limina Apostolorum causa orationis, Ecclesiae suae cura derelicta, nec ad palatium causa interpellandi, nec a communione suspensus ab alio communionem recipiendi, sine permissione et praescientia Episcopi sui: quod si fecerit, nihil valet hujusmodi communio, aut ordinatio, aut demigratio. Et hoc omnibus fidelibus denuntiandum, ut qui causa orationis ad limina Apostolorum pergere cupiunt, domi confiteantur peccata sua et sic proficiscantur: quia a propric Episcopo aut sacerdote ligandi aut exsolvendi sunt, non ab extraneo.

SECOND DIVISION.

FROM NICOLAUS I. TO GREGORY VII. A.D. 858-1073.

MOST IMPORTANT SOURCES.

1. BYZANTINES: Georg. Cedrenus and Joh. Zonaras (see preface to Div. I.) 2. LATINS: Annales Fuldenses and Bertiniani (see pref. to Div. I. Part. II.) Regino, abbot of Prüm († 915), Chronicon from the birth of Christ till 907, important from 870, with continuation till 967, best edited in Pertzii Monum. i. 537. Flodoardus, canon and keeper of the archives in Rheims, afterward abbot of a neighboring monastery († 966), Hist. Ecclesiae Remensis libb. iv. till 948, ed. J. Sirmond. Paris. 611. 8. G. Colvenerius. Duaci. 1617. 8. Bibl. PP. Lugd. xvii. 500. Annales from 919-966, ap. Pertz, v. 363. Comp. Bähr's Rom. Liter. in karol. Zeitalter. S. 274, 188. Luitprandus, bishop of Cremona († 972), wrote the history of his time from 893 to 964: Antapodosis libb. vi. and de Rebus gestis Ottonis M. best ap. Pertz, v. 264. The credibility of this source which is often underestimated by those who follow Muratori, is vindicated by Martini in the Denkschr. d. K. Akad. zu München für 1809 und 10. Hist. Class. S. 3, ff. R. A. Koepke de Vita et scriptis Liudprandi. Berol. 1842. 8.-Richerus, monk in the monastery of St. Remigius in Rheims, a friend of Gerbert's, wrote about 995, Historiarum libb. iv. from 888 till 995, especially important from 969 and onward. ap. Pertz, v. 561. Richer Historie de son temps par Guadet, t. i. Paris. 1845. 8 (Latin and French with introduction and commentary).—Thietmarus, bishop of Merseburg († 1018), Chronicon, embracing the period of the Saxon emperors, first ed. complete in Leibnitii Scriptt. Brunsvecens, t. i. then ed. J. A. Wagner, Norimb. 1807. 4, in German by M. Ursinus, Dresd. 17 0.8, and J. M. Lappenberg in Pertz Monum. v. 723.-Comp. M. Th. Contzen, die Geschichtschreiber d. sächs. Kaiserzeit nach ihrem Leben u. ihren Schriften Regensburgh. 1837. 8.-Hermannus Contractus, monk in Reichenau († 1054), Chronicon from the birth of Christ till 1054, important for chronology, especially from 1045, an important source of history (ap. Pertz, vii. 67), continued by Bertholdus, Hermann's disciple, and likewise monk of Reichenau, till 1080 (ap. Pertz, vii. 264): both abbreviated and continued till 1100 by Bernoldus, Bernaldus, or Bernardus, monk in St. Blascia (ap. Pertz, vii. 385). Hermann and his continuator were first edited complete by P. Aem. Ussermann in the Monumenta res Alemannicas illustrantia, 2 tomi. Typis San-Blasianis. 1790 and 1792. 4to. Comp. Docen in the Archive. für ältere deutsche Geschichskunde, iii. 1. Stenzel's Gesch. Deutschlands unter den fränkischen Kaisern, ii. 99.-Marianus Scotus, monk, last in Mentz († 1082), Chron. from the creation of the world to the year 1082, continued by Dodechinu till 1200 in Pistorii Rerum Germ. scriptor. t. i. (Mar. Scoti lib. iii. from 1-1082, ed. G. Waitz ap. Pertz, vii. 841).-Lambertus, monk in Hersfeld, usually but incorrectly styled Schafnaburgensis, Annales, fullest from 1040-1077, ap. Pistorius, t. i., then ed. J. C. Krause, Hal. 1797. 8, in German by F. B. Buckholz. Frankf a. M. 1819. 8, ed. Hesse ap. Pertz, vii. 134. Comp. Stenzel, ii. 101. Locherer, in the Giessener Jahrbuchern f. Theol. und christliche Philosophie, 1834. ii. 3.-Sigebertus, monk in Gemblours († 1113), Chronicon, continuation of Jerome from 381-1112, ap. Pistorius, t. i. ed. L. C. Bethmann ap. Pertz, viii. 268; cf. S. Hirsch Comm. de. Sigeb. Gembl. vita et scriptis. Berol. 1841. 8.

[Of Flodoardi's Chronicle a new edition is in the course of publication by the Imperial Academy of Rheims, with an appendix and notes by Abbé Baudeville. The third volume appeared in 1855.]

FIRST PART.

HISTORY OF THE WESTERN CHURCH.

FIRST CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF THE PAPACY.

§ 20.

PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS AND CONSTANTINE'S DEEDS OF GIFT. Dav. Blondelli Pseudo-Isidorus et Turrianus vapulantes. Genev. 1628. 4. C. Blasci Comm. de collect. cann. Isid. Merc. in Gallandii Sylloge. ed. Mogont. ii. 1 (Spittler's. Gesch. des canon. Rechts bis auf die Zeiten des falschen Isidorus. Halle. 1778. S. 220. ff. (in Spittler's Werken, herausgeg. v. Wächter, Bd. i.). Planck's Gesch. d. christì. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. ii. 800, ff. F. Walter's Lehrbuch des Kirchenrechts, vierte Ausl. (Bonn. 1829) S. 135, ff. Möhler's Fragmente aus und über Pseudo-Isidor. in his Schriften u. Aufsatzen, herausgegeben, v. Döllinger (Regensburg. 1839. 2 Bde.) i. 283. F. H. Knust de Fontibus et consilio pseudoisidorianae collectionis. Götting. 1832, 4.

About the middle of the ninth century appeared gradually an Isidorian collection,' enlarged with many false decretals, whose object generally tended to counteract the oppression and the

The preface begins: Isidorus Mercator servus Christi lectori conservo suo et parenti in Domino fidei salutem. The Merlin editor omits Mercator, some Codd. have, partly as a gloss, Peccator (as, for example, Rabanus calls himself before some of his letters Rabanus peccator. See Kunstmann's Rab. Maurus, S. 215, 219). See Ballerini de Ant. collection. canonum (prefixed to t. iii. Opp. Leonis, and in Gallandii Syll.) P. iii. c. 6, no. 18. Blascus, I. c. cap. 6, p. 35. The Pseudo-Isidorian collection has undergone many additions, omissions, and alterations, and appears therefore perfectly pure in few codices. So also not even in the only complete edition where it is found undivided: J. Merlini tom. prim. iv. concilior. generall. xlvii. conc. provinc. decrett. Ixix. Pontificum ab Apostolis usque ad Zachariam I. Isidoro autore. Paris. 1523. fol. (reprinted Colon. 1530. fol. Paris. 1535. 8). Inquiries respecting its original form see in Ballerini, 1. c. P. iii. c. 5-8. Spittler, 1. c. S. 221, ff. Comp. the description of five Pseudo-Isidorian MSS., especially a Cod. Vatican, written about 868 in France, in the Notices et extraits, vi. 265. A critical edition, such as Coustant designed in the second part of his Epistt. Pontiff., is still wanting. It consisted of three parts: I. 61 epistolae decretales of the popes of the first three centuries, from Clement to Melchiades (two from Clement to James were before forged, but newly interpolated, 59 Pseudo-Isidoriana). II. Canons of councils, chiefly from the genuine Isidorian collection. III. Epist. decrett. from Sylvester till Gregory the Great, of which 35 PseudoIsid., the others mostly from the Isidorian collection. Many regulations were fabricated after the accounts of the liber pontificalis. These, which were intended only to give credibility to the imposture, must therefore be left out of the question in determining the object of the imposture. Blascus, 1. c. cap. 15. How rich this period generally was in such forgeries may be seen in Spittler, 1. c. S. 243 and 252.