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voyage is now proposed, to visit a distant peo- ty, likely to happen in any province, and

ple on the other side the globe; not to cheat them, not to rob them, not to seize their lands, or enslave their persons; but merely to do them good, and make them, as far as in our power lies, to live as comfortably as ourselves.

from what province it can best be supplied in good time. To facilitate the collecting of this account, and prevent the necessity of entering houses and spending time in asking and answering questions, each house is furnished with a little board, to be hung without "It seems a laudable wish, that all the na- the door during a certain time each year; on tions of the earth were connected by a know-which board are marked certain words, ledge of each other; and a mutual exchange against which the inhabitant is to mark the of benefits: but a commercial nation particu- number and quantity, somewhat in this manlarly should wish for a general civilization of ner: mankind, since trade is always carried on to much greater extent with people who have the arts and conveniences of life, than it can be with naked savages. We may therefore hope, in this undertaking, to be of some service to our country as well as to those poor people, who, however distant from us, are in truth related to us, and whose interest do, in some degree, concern every one who can say, Homo sum, &c."

Men,
Women,
Children,
Rice, or Wheat,
Flesh, &c.

All under sixteen are accounted children, and all above, men and women. Any other particulars, which the government desires information of, are occasionally marked on the same boards. Thus the officers, appointed to collect the accounts in each district, have only to pass before the doors, and enter into their book what they find marked on the board, without giving the least trouble to the family. There is a penalty on marking falsely, and £2000 as neighbours must know nearly the truth of 3000 each other's account, they dare not expose

Scheme of a voyage, by subscription, to convey the conveniences of life, as fowls, hogs, goats, cattle, corn, iron, &c., to those remote regions, which are destitute of them, and to bring from thence such productions, as can be cultivated in this kingdom to the advantage of society, in a ship under the command of Alexander Dalrymple. Catt or bark, from the the coal trade, of 350 tons, estimated at about Extra expenses, stores, boats, &c. To be manned with 60 men at 41. per man, per month.

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240
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per ann. 2880

3

Wages and provisions for 3 years

Cargo included, supposed

themselves, by a false one, to each other's accusation. Perhaps such a regulation is scarcely practicable with us.

Positions to be examined, concerning national
Wealth.

1. ALL food or subsistence for mankind arise 8640 from the earth or waters.

2. Necessaries of life, that are not food, and 13640 all other conveniences, have their value estimated by the proportion of food consumed while we are employed in procuring them.

£15000 The expenses of this expedition are calcu3. A small people, with a large territory, lated for three years: but the greatest part of may subsist on the productions of nature, with the amount of wages will not be wanted till no other labour that of gathering the vegetathe ship returns, and a great part of the ex-bles and catching the animals. pense of provisions will be saved by what is obtained in the course of the voyage, by barter, or otherwise, though it is proper to make provision for contingencies.

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4. A large people, with a small territory, finds these insufficient, and, to subsist, must labour the earth, to make it produce greater quantities of vegetable food, suitable for the nourishment of men, and of the animals they intend to eat.

5. From this labour arises a great increase of vegetable and animal food, and of materials for clothing, as flax, wool, silk, &c. The With this superfluity of these is wealth. wealth we pay for the labour employed in building our houses, cities, &c. which are therefore only subsistence thus metamor

I HAVE Somewhere read, that in China an account is yearly taken of the number of people, and the quantities of provision produced. This account is transmitted to the emperor, whose ministers can thence foresee a scarci- phosed.

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6. Manufactures are only another shape | forty, and perhaps get thirty shillings for that, into which so much provisions and subsistence which cost him but twenty. are turned, as were equal in value to the manu- 12. Finally, there seem to be but three factures produced. This appears from hence, ways for a nation to acquire wealth. The that the inanufacturer does not, in fact, obtain | first is by war, as the Romans did, by plunderfrom the employer, for his labour, more than a ing their conquered neighbours. This is robmere subsistence, including raiment, fuel, and bery.-The second by commerce, which is shelter: all which derive their value from the generally cheating.-The third by agricul provisions consumed in procuring them. ture, the only honest way, wherein man receives a real increase of the seed thrown into the ground, in a kind of continual miracle wrought by the hand of God in his favour, as a reward for his innocent life, and his virtuous industry. B. FRANKLIN.

7. The produce of the earth, thus converted into manufactures, may be more easily carried to distant markets than before such conversion.

8. Fair commerce is, where equal values | are exchanged for equal, the expense of transport included. Thus, if it costs A in England as much labour and charge to raise a bushel of wheat, as it costs B in France to produce four gallons of wine, then are four gallons of wine the fair exchange for a bushel of wheat, A and B meeting at half distance with their = commodities to make the exchange. The advantage of this fair commerce is, that each party increases the number of his enjoyments, having, instead of wheat alone, or wine alone, - the use of both wheat and wine.

April 4, 1769.

and addressed to the editors of the British Repository The following extracts of a letter signed Columella, for select Papers on Agriculture, Arts, and Manufactures (see Vol. I.) will prepare those who read it, for

the next paper

periodical work, called Ephemeridis du Citoyen, in "GENTLEMEN,-There is now publishing in France a which several points, interesting to those concerned in able hands. In looking over one of the volumes of this agriculture, are from time to time discussed by some work a few days ago, I found a little piece written by 9. Where the labour and expense of pro-bours had taken from the London Chronicle in 1766. one of our countrymen, and which our vigilant neighducing both commodities are known to both The author is a gentleman well known to every man of parties, bargains will generally be fair and letters in Europe, and perhaps there is none, in this age, equal. Where they are known to one party to whom mankind in general are more indebted. "That this piece may not be lost to our own country, = only, bargains will often be unequal, know- | I beg you will give it a place in your Repository: it ledge taking its advantage of ignorance.

10. Thus he, that carries one thousand | bushels of wheat abroad to sell, may not probably obtain so great a profit thereon, as if he had first turned the wheat into manufactures, by subsisting therewith the workmen while producing those manufactures: since there are many expediting and facilitating methods of working, not generally known; and strangers to the manufactures, though they know pretty well the expense of raising wheat, are unacquainted with those short methods of working, and thence, being apt to suppose more labour employed in the manufactures than there really is, are more easily imposed on in their value, and induced to allow more for them than they are honestly worth.

was written in favour of the farmers, when they suffered
dered by the mob in many places."
so much abuse in our public papers, and were also plun.

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I AM one of that class of people, that feeds you all, and at present abused by you all;in short, I am a farmer.

By your newspapers we are told, that God had sent a very short harvest to some other countries of Europe. I thought this might be in favour of Old England; and that now we should get a good price for our grain, which would bring millions among us, and make us flow in money: that to be sure is scarce enough.

But the wisdom of government forbade the exportation.

Well, says I, then we must be content with the market price at home.

11. Thus the advantage of having manufactures in a country does not consist, as is commonly supposed, in their highly advancing the value of rough materials, of which they are formed; since, though sixpenny worth of flax may be worth twenty shillings when work- No; say my lords the mob, you sha'nt have ed into lace, yet the very cause of its being that. Bring your corn to market if you dare; worth twenty shillings, is, that, besides the-we'll sell it for you, for less money, or take flax, it has cost nineteen shillings and sixpence it for nothing.

in subsistence to the manufacturer. But the Being thus attacked by both ends of the advantage of manufactures is, that under their constitution, the head and tail of government, shape provisions may be more easily carried what am I to do? to a foreign market; and by their means our traders may more easily cheat strangers. Few, where it is not made, are judges of the value of lace. The importer may demand

Must I keep my corn in the barn, to feed and increase the breed of rats?-be it so; they cannot be less thankful than those I have been used to feed.

Are we farmers the only people to be grudged the profits of our honest labour? And why? One of the late scribblers against us gives a bill of fare of the provisions at my daughter's wedding, and proclaims to all the world, that we had the insolence to eat beef and pudding!-Has he not read the precept in the good book, thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn; or does he think us less worthy of good living than our oxen?

O, but the manufacturers! the manufacturers! they are to be favoured, and they must have bread at a cheap rate!

Hark ye, Mr. Oaf:-The farmers live splendidly, you say. And pray, would you have them hoard the money they get? Their fine clothes and furniture, do they make them themselves, or for one another, and so keep the money among them? Or, do they employ these your darling manufacturers, and so scatter it again all over the nation?

The wool would produce me a better price, if it were suffered to go to foreign markets; but that, Messieurs the Public, your laws will not permit. It must be kept all at home, that our dear manufacturers may have it the cheaper. And then, having yourselves thus lessened our encouragement for raising sheep, you curse us for the scarcity of mutton!

an act of indemnity ought to pass in favour of the ministry, to secure them from the consequences of having acted illegally. If so, pass another in favour of the mob. Others say, some of the mob ought to be hanged, by way of example-If so, but I say no more than I have said before, when you are sure that you have a good principle, go through with it.

You say, poor labourers cannot afford to buy bread at a high price, unless they had higher wages.-Possibly.-But how shall we farmers be able to afford our labourers higher wages, if you will not allow us to get, when we might have it, a higher price for our corn?

By all that I can learn, we should at least have had a guinea a quarter more if the exportation had been allowed. And this money England would have got from foreigners.

But, it seems, we farmers must take so much less, that the poor may have it so much cheaper.

This operates then as a tax for the maintenance of the poor. A very good thing, you will say. But I ask, why a partial tax? why laid on us farmers only? If it be a good thing, pray, messieurs the Public, take your share of it, by indemnifying us a little out of your public treasury. In doing a good thing, there is both honour and pleasure-you are welcome to your share of both.

I have heard my grandfather say, that the For my own part, I am not so well satisfarmers submitted to the prohibition on the fied of the goodness of this thing. I am for doexportation of wool, being made to expect and ing good to the poor, but I differ in opinion believe, that when the manufacturer bought about the means. I think the best way of dohis wool cheaper, they should also have their ing good to the poor, is, not making them eacloth cheaper. But the deuce a bit. It has sy in poverty, but leading or driving them out been growing dearer and dearer from that of it. In my youth I travelled much, and I day to this. How so? Why, truly, the cloth observed in different countries, that the more is exported: and that keeps up the price. public provisions were made for the poor the Now if it be a good principle, that the ex-less they provided for themselves, and of portation of a commodity is to be restrained, that so our people at home may have it the cheaper; stick to that principle, and go thorough stitch with it. Prohibit the exportation of your cloth, your leather, and shoes, your iron-ware, and your manufactures of all sorts, to make them all cheaper at home. And cheap enough they will be, I will warrant you-till people leave off making them.

course became poorer. And on the contrary, the less was done for them, the more they did for themselves, and became richer. There is no country in the world where so many provisions are established for them; so many hospitals to receive them when they are sick or lame, founded and maintained by voluntary charities; so many almshouses for the aged of both sexes, together with a solemn Some folks seem to think they ought never general law made by the rich to subject their to be easy till England becomes another Lub-estates to a heavy tax for the support of the berland, where it is fancied the streets are paved with penny-rolls, the houses tiled with pancakes, and chickens, ready roasted, cry,

come eat me.

I say, when you are sure you have got a good principle, stick to it, and carry it through. -I hear it is said, that though it was necessary and right for the ministry to advise a prohibition of the exportation of corn, yet it was contrary to law; and also, that though it was contrary to law for the mob to obstruct wagons, yet it was necessary and right. Just the same thing to a tittle. Now they tell me,

poor. Under all these obligations, are our poor modest, humble, and thankful? And do they use their best endeavours to maintain themselves, and lighten our shoulders of this burden? On the contrary, I affirm, that there is no country in the world in which the poor are more idle, dissolute, drunken, and insolent. The day you passed that act you took away from before their eyes the greatest of all inducements to industry, frugality, and sobriety, by giving them a dependence on somewhat else than a careful accumulation during youth and health, for support in age or sickness. In

short, you offered a premium for the encouragement of idleness, and you should not now wonder, that it has had its effect in the increase of poverty. Repeal that law, and you will soon see a change in their manners; Saint Monday and Saint Tuesday, will soon cease to be holidays. Six days shalt thou labour, though one of the old commandments long treated as out of date, will again be looked upon as a respectable precept; industry will increase, and with it plenty among the lower people; their circumstances will mend, and more will be done for their happiness by inuring them to provide for themselves, than could be done by dividing all your estates among them.

Excuse me, messieurs the Public, if upon this interesting subject, I put you to the trouble of reading a little of my nonsense; I am sure I have lately read a great deal of yours, and therefore from you (at least from those of you who are writers) I deserve a little indulgence. I am yours, &c. ARATOR.*

On Freedom of Speech and the Press.
Published in the Pennsylvania Gazette, of
November, 1737.

character of the Romans from defamation, introduced the law whereby libelling was involved in the penalties of treason against the state. This law established his tyranny, and for one mischief which it prevented, ten thousand evils, horrible and afflicting, sprung up in its place. Thenceforward every person's life and fortune depended on the vile breath of informers. The construction of words being arbitrary, and left to the decision of the judges, no man could write or open his mouth without being in danger of forfeiting his head.

One was put to death for inserting in his history, the praises of Brutus. Another for styling Cassius the last of the Romans. Caligula valued himself for being a notable dancer; and to deny, that he excelled in that manly accomplishment, was high treason. This emperor raised his horse, the name of which was Incitatus, to the dignity of consul; and though history is silent, I do not question but it was a capital crime, to show the least contempt for that high officer of state! Suppose then any one had called the prime minister a stupid animal, the emperor's council might argue, that the malice of the libel was the more aggravated by its being true; and consequently more likely to excite the family of FREEDOM of speech is a principal pillar of this illustrious magistrate to a breach of the a free government: when this support is peace, or to acts of revenge. Such a prosetaken away, the constitution of a free society cution would to us appear ridiculous; yet, if is dissolved, and tyranny is erected on its we may rely upon tradition, there have been ruins. Republics and limited monarchies de- formerly, proconsuls in America, though of rive their strength and vigour from a popular more malicious dispositions, hardly superior in examination into the actions of the magis-understanding to the consul Incitatus, and trates; this privilege in all ages has been, and always will be abused. The best of men could not escape the censure and envy of the times they lived in. Yet this evil is not so great as it may appear at first sight. A magistrate who sincerely aims at the good of society, will always have the inclinations of a great majority on his side, and an impartial posterity will not fail to render him justice.

Those abuses of the freedom of speech, are the exercises of liberty. They ought to be repressed; but to whom dare we commit the care of doing it. An evil magistrate intrusted with power to punish for words, would be armed with a weapon the most destructive and terrible. Under pretence of pruning off the exuberant branches he would be apt to destroy the tree.

It is certain, that he who robs another of his moral reputation, more richly merits a gibbet that if he had plundered him of his purse on the highway. Augustus Cæsar, under the specious pretext of preserving the * Mr. Owen Ruff head, being employed in preparing a digest of the British poor laws, communicated a copy of mended, that provision should be made therein for the printing on a sheet of paper, and dispersing, in each parish, annual accounts of every disbursement and re.

it to Dr. Franklin for his advice. Dr. Franklin recom.

oeipt of its officers. In some of the American states this measure is pursued with success.

who would have thought themselves libelled to be called by their proper names.

Nero piqued himself on his fine voice and skill in music: no doubt a laudable ambition! He performed in public, and carried the prize of excellence: it was afterwards resolved by all the judges as good law, that whosoever would insinuate the least doubt of Nero's preeminence in the noble art of fiddling, ought to be deemed a traitor to the state.

severe

By the help of inferences, and innuendoes, treasons multiplied in a prodigious manner. Grief was treason:-a lady of noble birth was put to death for bewailing the death of her murdered son:-silence was declared an overt act, to prove the treasonable purposes of the heart: looks were construed into treason: a serene open aspect was an evidence, that the person was pleased with the calamities that befel the emperor:-a thoughtful countenance was urged against the man that wore it, as a proof of his plotting against the state :-dreams were often made capital offences. A new species of informers went about Rome, insinuating themselves into all companies to fish out their dreams, which the holy priests, (O nefarious wickedness!) interpreted into high treason. The Romans were so terrified by this strange method of

juridical and penal process, that far from discovering their dreams, they durst not own that they slept. In this terrible situation, when every one had so much cause to fear, even fear itself was made a crime. Caligula, when he put his brother to death, gave it as a reason to the senate, that the youth was afraid of being murdered. To be eminent in any virtue, either civil or military, was the greatest crime a man could be guilty of.-Ŏ vir

of Theodosius.* If any person spoke ill of the emperor, through a foolish rashness, and inadvertency, it is to be despised; if out of madness, it deserves pity; if from malice and aversion, it calls for mercy.

Her successor king James I. was a prince of a quite different genius and disposition; he used to say, that while he had the power of making judges and bishops, he could have what law and gospel he pleased. Accordtutes certissemum exitium. ingly he filled those places with such as prosThese were some of the effects of the Ro-tituted their professions to his notions of preman law against libelling:-those of the Bri-rogative. Among this number, and I hope it tish kings that aimed at despotic power, or is no discredit to the profession of the law, the oppression of the subject, continually en- its great oracle, sir Edward Coke, appears. couraged prosecutions for words. The star-chamber, which in the time of Elizabeth, had gained a good repute, became an intolerable grievance, in the reign of this learned monarch.

Henry VII. a prince mighty in politics, procured that act to be passed, whereby the jurisdiction of the star-chamber, was confirmed and extended. Afterwards Empson and But it did not arrive at its meridian altitude, Dudley, two voracious dogs of prey, under the till Charles I. began to wield the sceptre. As protection of this high court, exercised the he had formed a design to lay aside parliamost merciless acts of oppression. The sub-ments, and subvert the popular part of the conjects were terrified from uttering their griefs, while they saw the thunder of the star-chamber pointed at their heads. This caution, however, could not prevent several dangerous tumults and insurrections: for when the tongues of the people are restrained, they commonly discharge their resentments by a more dangerous organ, and break out into open acts of violence.

stitution, he very well knew, that the form of government could not be altered, without laying a restraint on freedom of speech, and the liberty of the press: therefore he issued his royal mandate, under the great seal of England, whereby he commanded his subjects, under pain of his displeasure, not to prescribe to him any time for parliaments. Lord Clarendon, upon this occasion, is pleased to write "that all men took themselves to be prohibited under the penalty of censure (the censure of the star-chamber,) which few men cared to incure so much as to speak of parliaments; or so much as to mention, that parliaments were again to be called."

The king's ministers, to let the nation see they were absolutely determined to suppress all freedom of speech, caused a prosecution to be carried on by the attorney-general against three members of the house of commons, for words spoken in that house, Anno. 1628. The member pleaded to the information, that ex

During the reign of Henry VIII. a highspirited monarch! every light expression, which happened to displease him, was construed by his supple judges, into a libel, and sometimes extended to high treason. When queen Mary of cruel memory ascended the throne, the parliament, in order to raise a fence against the violent prosecutions for words, which had rendered the lives, liberties, and properties of all men precarious, and, perhaps dreading the furious persecuting spirit of this princess, passed an act whereby it was declared, "That if a libeller doth go so high, as to libel against king or queen, by denuncia-pressions in parliament ought only to be extion, the judges shall lay no greater fine on him than one hundred pounds, with two months imprisonment, and no corporeal punishment: neither was this sentence to be passed on him, except the accusation was fully proved by two witnesses, who were to produce a certificate of their good demeanour for the credit of their report.'

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This act was confirmed by another, in the seventh year of the reign of queen Elizabeth; only the penalties were heightened to two hundred pounds and three months imprisonment. Notwithstanding she rarely punished invectives, though the malice of the papists was indefatigable in blackening the brightest characters, with the most impudent falsehoods, she was often heard to applaud that rescript

amined and punished there. This notwithstanding, they were all three condemned as disturbers of the state; one of these gentlemen, sir John Elliot, was fined two thousand pounds, and sentenced to lie in prison till it was paid. His lady was denied admittance

* Si quis imperatori malediceret non statim injuria censetur et eo nomine punitur; sed distinguitur, an ex levitate processerit, et sic contemnitur, an ex insania et miseratione digna censetur, an ex injuria et sic remittenda declaratur.

Note.-A Rescript was an answer delivered by the em

peror, when consulted in some difficult question or point in law: the judges were wholly to be directed by the will of the king gives vigour to the law, (Voluntas reit, whenever such a case came before them. For the gis habet vigorem legis) is a fundamental principle in the civil law. The rescript mentioned above, was not only and Arcadius.

delivered by Theodosius, but by two emperors, Honorius

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