H. OF R.] Duties on Wool and Woollens. [JANUARY, 1827, ascertaining distinctly whether the House were prepared to discuss, at this session, "the principles and policy of the tariff." This was the only question now to be decided. If gentlemen were determined to enter upon the discussion of the subject, and to persevere to a final result, he admitted they ought to vote against the mo tion, and to retain the bill in the committee; if, on the contrary, the House thought with him, that it could not be fully and fairly discussed and acted on at the present session, he hoped the motion would prevail; that the com so very serious-that it was highly dangerous in a word, that it was a monstrous question. If other gentlemen chose to bring in bar iron, and pig iron, and a variety of other articles which seemed familiar to the imaginations of some gentlemen, he could not help it-the Committee on Manufactures could not help it -it was not their project, and they were not justly answerable for objections which did not belong to the bill as they reported it. The manufacturers of woollen goods had presented the subject of the bill in various memorials laid before the House; and the question was, wheth-mittee would be discharged, and the bill laid er the House was to postpone for a whole year upon the table for the remainder of the session. the consideration of the subject, because cer- Did gentlemen seriously believe that there tain gentlemen, not authorized by their constit- was any probability of our legislating, at this uents to do so, had suggested that other branch- time, fully and fairly upon the subject? Was es of manufacture were suffering in the same there a member upon the floor who imagined manner? Was the House to wait a whole year that the single interests of the woollen manufac for grievances? Gentlemen had referred to turers, which was alone embraced by the pres our great commercial emporium. Was the ent bill, would, or could be considered, apart House to be told that that great city did not from the other branches of national industry, understand her own interests? Or would it and the great interests of the country? Did be pretended that the merchants of New York they believe that the Representatives of those were not apprised of the steps which had been portions of the Union whose interests were taken in this matter? Yet, although sixty or more immediately and more deeply affected by seventy hours were sufficient to take to them the provisions of this bill, would sit silent, and the knowledge of our proceedings and to bring consent to its passage, without vindicating the back the declaration of their will, not a memo- interests of their constituents, and demanding rial or a remonstrance had been received from a general discussion of the whole subject? It that city in opposition to this measure. To was not to be expected. This bill, Mr. S. said, such a remonstrance, Mr. B. said, he should disguise it as you will, is most obnoxious and ever listen with the highest respect, as he was unjust. It was infinitely more so than the one well aware, not only of the wealth, but of the of 1824, under which the southern and southintelligence which prevailed in that city. But western country were now bleeding at every he could not, for one, believe that, on a subject pore. Could gentlemen hope to drive on by like this, the merchants of New York were detachment, this protecting duty policy, to the asleep; and if it was indeed true, that the in- utter ruin of the other interests of the country, terests of commerce would suffer so material- and expect no opposition? It was impossible! ly from the passage of this bill, they would It was in vain to preach up conciliation, if this have let the House hear from them long before. fatal policy, this political colossus, which is to He spoke of the merchants at large, for he be- overshadow and reduce a portion of us to beg lieved that a better knowledge of the principles gary, is to be persevered in and adhered to. of political economy was to be found through-It must beget division and hatred, and interout the country generally, than among a few importing merchants, who looked only to their own immediate profit. The effects of such a measure were not to be estimated from any sudden consequences it might at first occasion. In all progressive systems, you must allow at least 20 years for their practical development; and if, in that time, they shall not have jured, but, on the contrary, benefited the country, their true character is to be estimated accordingly. rupt the harmony and peace of the Union. Sir, do gentlemen believe that a subject of this character, one which, two years ago, ag tated so deeply the whole country, and roused into action all its rival interests-a subject which affects not only the commerce and polit ical economy of the country, but the liberty of in-property itself, and the very principles of the Government-will be permitted to pass with out full and free discussion, and the strongest resistance? Are we again to have the scenes which divided and distracted us in 1824? Do we not know that, after eight weeks' discussion, the present tariff passed this House by only a few cotes? That upon the great ques tion of the woollens, the House was equally divided, (I believe 93 and 93,) and that at last it was settled by compromise and concession be tween the two Houses? Have we time, and are the House prepared for this state of things at the present session? He thought not. Was it not injurious too, Mr. S. said., to attempt to Mr. STEVENSON, of Virginia, said that he did not intend to enter, at this time, into a general discussion of the important principles embraced by this bill. He rose simply to state, in a very few words, why he should vote for the motion to discharge the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union from the further consideration of the subject. The question before the House, Mr. S. considered, was one rather of expediency than of principle. The motion had been submitted, with the single view of JANUARY, 1827.] Duties on Wool and Woollens. [H. OF R. discuss it, unless we intended acting finally up-lated to produce an impression unfavorable to on the subject? Would it not be productive of serious mischief to the commercial interests? He appealed to his friend from New York, on his left, (Mr. CAMBRELENG,) so deeply versed in commercial knowledge, and whose opinions commanded so justly the high commendation of the House, to know if the discussion of this subject, even for a week, would not produce speculations to the amount of many millions of dollars? Was it right to hazard such consequences? Did it comport with the dignity and justice of the House, and with a fair course of legislation? He thought not. Would it not be better, Mr. S. asked, if a revision of the tariff is deemed necessary, and demanded by the manufacturers, to let it rest until the next session; to bring then fairly before Congress the whole subject of free trade and national industry, and let the next Congress, just from the bosom of the people, discuss and settle the question. Such a course Mr. S. thought much the more desirable. He presumed it was with this view his friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. BuCHANAN) offered his resolution the other day. It was calculated to heal, rather than inflame, our differences, and would be the means of bringing to the ultimate decision of the question, the high sanction of calm, deliberate, and dignified legislation. He hoped, therefore, the motion would prevail; that the committee would be discharged, and the bill laid upon the table, not again to be called up during the present session. It was due to the nation, and to the House, that this should be done; and he appealed to the friends and enemies of the bill to unite in this course. Mr. STEVENSON, of Pennsylvania, said, after so much remark upon the bill reported by the Committee on Domestic Manufactures, he might, perhaps, as a member of that committee, be allowed to say a few words in explanation of his opinion of the bill, and of his views in voting against the motion made by his respected colleague. You are aware, said Mr. S., that the Committee on Domestic Manufactures had several memorials referred to them by the House, representing the depressed state of the woollen manufactories, and requesting the attention of Congress to the subject; setting forth, amongst other causes of their languishing state, that the spirit of the present tariff was evaded, and that they were sufferers by the violation of existing laws. To correct the evils complained of, the petitioners urged the adoption of a minimum valuation for woollen goods, and the assessment of the duty upon such minimum. I agreed with the majority of the committee as to the principle, and it was adopted. The next point was to settle the minimum prices, and, in doing this, I thought that too high a rate was, in my opinion, required, and voted with the minority. I regretted that so high a rate was settled, believing it unjust, as regarded the general interest, unwise as it related to the manufacturers. It was calcu the general purpose of the bill, and thus to defeat the whole design. I still, however, trust, that, after the discussion which has taken place, if we go into committee, those who advocate, and those who resist the bill, as it stands, may come to some better understanding, and that something may be effected, not too exorbitant on the one part, nor oppressive on the other. I cannot consent to vote for the bill as it stands. It imposes, in fact, an increase of 200 per cent. on the cost of a certain grade of goods, used principally by the poor, and an average increase of more than 50 per cent. on the part of the present tariff. If the bill should go to the Committee of the Whole, I do not despair of such facts being elicited as will lead to the preservation of the minimum principle, and an equitable adjustment of its rate, so as to save the manufacturers, without violating the general principles of just legislation. Let us, at least, do justice to ourselves, by acting upon the subject without prejudice and without passion. On the motion before you, I do not think proper to go into the general merits or demerits of the bill. Let that be reserved for its proper time. At that time, I trust that I shall be able to show that the extent to which I shall be willing to go, may be done with perfect justice to the several parts of this Union, after due reference to their various interests; and I pledge myself to never form one of a majority to do that, as regards this nation, that has not the fullest sanction of what little of the light of reason has been given to me. I voted against the motion of my colleague, although I apprehend he will finally be found to have proposed a course which would have saved the time of the House from being wasted on a bill that cannot be matured into a law during the present session. Mr. MCLANE, of Delaware, said he was opposed to the motion to discharge the committee, for some reasons which, perhaps, were peculiar to himself. Although he was, and ever had been, an advocate for the tariff system, he was not prepared to say that he could vote for this bill in its present shape; although he was prepared to co-operate in modifying and improving it. But because he was opposed to the bill in that particular shape in which it had been presented by the Committee of Manufactures, it did not follow that he must shun the investigation of the subject, and not give to it its full and just share of consideration, if the time allowed. He would now inquire what would be the true effect of the present motion. The ground on which it is urged, is, that the House has not now sufficient time to inquire into the subject; and many gentlemen disposed to vote for the bill, are unwilling to postpone it on this ground. But the effect of the motion, whatever may be the intention of its mover, will certainly be to defeat the bill, and thus to deprive the country of the benefits derived from an adequate protec H. OF R.] Duties on Wool and Woollens. (JANUARY, 1827. tion to this valuable branch of our manufac- | entirely mistaken the character of the measuretures. The consideration of the bill, at this Both the gentleman from Pennsylvania and the time, is resisted on two grounds: First, it is gentleman from Louisiana, had wholly missaid that it will produce excitement, by strik- taken the principle on which it was founded. ing at the vital interests of the country; and, | The Committee on Manufactures were told that secondly, that it is not sufficiently comprehen- very extensive frauds were practised at the sive, and does not embrace a sufficient number custom houses, by which the protecting duties of objects to be protected. Mr. McL. said that on domestic cloths were evaded, and the intennone could deprecate more than he did any tions of the law of 1824 practically defeated, cause of excitement in the country; but, if ex- and rendered of none effect. They were asked citement is to be produced by the discussion of to apply a remedy, and they esteemed it of this bill, it must be because it is inseparable great importance to do it. It was obviously in from the subject itself. If it arise at all, it will vain to increase, with this view, the ad valorem arise whenever the subject is brought up. But duty: for, however it might be increased, the why, asked Mr. McL., is this excitement pro- same evasion would still be practised. Being duced by it at all? It arises from a mistaken convinced of this, the Committee on Manufacopinion, that the interests of the different parts tures considered what else could be done, and of the great national community are distinct they adopted the minimum principle, as the from, and opposed to, each other. I do not only remaining expedient. Yet, to make a believe this, and, therefore, I am in favor of regular ascending scale of minimum prices, the policy; but, so long as an opposite opinion with small differences between them, would is held, the seeds of excitement will be here; open a door for precisely the same frauds: for the same causes of it will exist at the next ses- every foreign manufacturer, whose goods were sion which exist now, and they will probably in reality above any one of these minimum rather increase than diminish. As to the other prices, would endeavor to introduce them as objection, that the bill comprehends only one below it; and there was no guard against this, object to be protected, I am in favor of its con- but to make the space between the prices so sideration now, for this very reason; it is sim- large as to render this impossible. The comple-it is brought to one point, and confines mittee are fully aware that the space between itself to a single object, which all can compre- 40 cents and 250 cents is great; but they were hend. Heretofore, on the contrary, it has been also aware that goods of the intermediate value usual to include many different objects in the are already supplied, and can be made in suffisame bill, in order to carry some one promi- cient quantities fully to satisfy the market. nent object of policy through the House. Had they interposed an intermediate price, Now, I am entirely opposed to this species of none of the existing difficulties would have legislation. I disapprove of legislating by been remedied. The motion of the gentleman compromise. Either a particular branch of from Pennsylvania proposes delay-but what industry requires protection, or it does not. If is it that is to be delayed? The protection of it does not, nothing should induce the House to property to the amount of 100,000,000, which protect it; but if it does, let it be fairly pre- is now jeopardized and suffering by fraud. sented to the House, and clearly understood, The memorialists tell us, their property is suf and then let it receive that degree of protec- fering-is sinking. Must we wait till it is tion which it merits. But I protest against the sunk, till it has perished, and then come here system of compromise. It is a system of in- next year to legislate for its protection! Is jury. Here we have a single object before us: this our duty? These same memorialists are the petitioners say that an important branch of our countrymen-our constituents. So much domestic manufactures is now in danger of comity, at least, is due to them, as to inquire being wholly prostrated by foreign competi- whether the statements they have made are tion. Now, it is surely easier to comprehend true. It is said, that there is a want of time the subject, and to judge if their statements be to consider the subject, and to derive the infor true, than if all the different objects which mation necessary to act upon it. Is the subdifferent gentlemen may suppose to need pro-ject new? Is this House taken by surprise! tection, had been taken up with it and included in the same bill. I at least confess that I am more able to understand it, and I am in favor of considering it for the very reason that it excluded the principle of compromise. We may at least go into Committee of the Whole, and modify the bill; and we can as soon discover in committee as we could in the House, whether it is likely to be put into such a shape as finally to pass. Mr. DAVIS said that the discussion had taken a much wider range than could have been anticipated, by any one acquainted with the true nature of the bill. Gentlemen, however, had If it is, I am as ready to agree to delay as the gentleman from Pennsylvania-but the fact is not so. This subject has been publicly agitated for months before we met. It has been largely discussed in the public papers. Meetings have been held, and memorials have been published, with notice that they would be presented to this House. Those memorials have followed us here, and have been heaped upon our table from day to day. They have been referred to a Standing Committee of the House, and a bill has been reported, two weeks ago-printed, and laid upon the tables of the members. Can we now be told, that this is a new subject That the House knows nothing about it? That it has been taken by surprise, and has not now time to come to any understanding of the matter? Was not this very subject discussed in 1824 and, if farther facts are necessary, is there not abundant time to obtain them? The objection, then, from the shortness of the time, is not worthy of regard. What subject of greater moment is on the table of the House? Not only the manufacturers, but all the growers of wool-not only the manufacturing, but the agricultural interest, have a deep interest in the bill. They are our constituents-they cry to us for relief—I hope we shall not be deaf to their entreaty. TUESDAY, January 23. Duties on Wool and Woollens. [H. OF R. The question pending before the House being on a motion of Mr. BUCHANAN, of Pennsylvania, to discharge the Committee of the Whole sideration of the bill for the protection of on the state of the Union from the farther con Woollen Manufactures Mr. DWIGHT said he thought there were some positions taken on yesterday by the honorable gentleman from New York, (Mr. CAMand he felt himself inclined to examine these BRELENG,) which required particular notice; positions with more particularity, since they Mr. CAMBRELENG said that the vote just to carry no ordinary degree of sanction. And came from a quarter which might be supposed taken furnished another evidence of the impetuosity with which the friends of the bill that was from the city of New York-the were disposed to force it upon the House. The great commercial emporium of the Union. gentlemen tell us about frauds, said he, but say Committee of Manufactures were imposed on. The honorable gentleman still insists that the nothing of how they are committed. They say their object is not to increase the duty, but ask? Were they not composed of enlightened By what power, from what source, he would only to secure the collection of the duty. I have listened attentively to all they have ad- men, selected from the different quarters of the vanced, and I cannot say less than that, in my of the station? Had they not made a most Union, for their particular fitness for the duties judgment, the House is imposed upon, if that is thought to be the object of the bill. The elaborate investigation of the evil which the very discussion of the subject has a ruinous petitioners wished to have redressed? and had effect. If this debate goes on for one week, bill upon the table, to mitigate, or, perhaps, they not, after great deliberation, reported the speculations will take place in woollen goods to totally to avoid that evil? But the honorable the amount of millions of dollars. The object gentleman had asked, where were the detailed of the bill is prohibition-nor is there any and specific statements of the chairman of the thing in the bill, either in its form or sub-committee, upon which the House and the nastance, which will operate to ensure the collection could form their opinion of the propriety tion of the revenue. It goes, on the other hand, of the measure proposed? One of the strong to annihilate the revenue. If, however, the House is determined to go into the question, I am prepared to meet it; yet, with all deference to the honorable gentleman from Delaware, I must tell him that I would rather take the Tariff of 1824, with all its compromises, than the bill now proposed. That whole Tariff bill was nothing to this; with all its various and multiplied provisions, it did not affect the country half so much as this bill will affect it. I call on the Committee of Manufactures to tell us, for they have not yet told us, how much duty it is that they intend to put upon these goods. I ask, how much per cent. upon the price their new duty is intended to demand? We have no report-no calculation. When the Tariff bill of 1824 was brought into the House, the gentleman from Pennsylvania, who was then Chairman of the Committee of Manufactures, (for whom, however I may have differed from him in opinion, I ever cherish the greatest personal respect,) gave to the House a statement, exhibiting, in one column, the existing duty, and in another, the duty proposed. This afforded the House some data to go by it enabled them, in some measure, to judge of the effect of the bill; but now we have not one item to guide us. Here the debate closed for this day.] reasons, he confessed, which operated upon his woollen manufacture. H. OF R.] Duties on Wool and Woollens. [JANUARY, 1827. one conceived that this measure would be seriously agitated at this session. The opinion has prevailed from one extremity of the Union to the other, that this session would be exclusively devoted to business-business heretofore presented to this House, and which had not been acted upon at the last session. So far as the public prints are any evidence, they generally indulged in the hope that no subject would arise calculated to produce excitement, and have a tendency to consume that time that ought to be devoted to subjects that have long slept upon your table, and are likely to share a similar bad fortune, if this bill is taken up. The question addresses itself to this House, whether all the variety of bills now upon your table shall yield precedence to this; whether measures of essential importance to this country, shall lie over another session, to give consideration to this bill; whether we shall be taken by surprise and forced into a discussion, sion, settled the extent of protection, which | terest to that State was not acted upon. No the nation were willing to afford to this branch? and were we not, in good faith, now called upon to guard that protection against the evasions complained of? If this was precipitancy, to discuss a bill after six weeks of maturing in committee, and before the House, where could be found the evidence of our deJiberation? What would become of the bill for occlusion of the British colonial ports?-a measure of so much importance that it may involve us in all the calamities of war with the most powerful nation of Europe. And yet, if he was not mistaken, the honorable gentleman himself was one of that committee, who proposed a prompt and decisive action of the House upon the bill alluded to. If this is precipitancy, sir, we may as well adjourn at once, and say that a three months' session is too short for deliberate legislation. For his part, he thought that no haste, consistent with a competent understanding of the subject, was too great, where you were called upon to legis-without information from the Treasury Delate for the relief of a branch of industry which employed 70,000 of the people, and 50 or 60 millions of the capital of your country. The very facts stated by the honorable gentleman, went far to show, that no such opposition or alarm existed, in regard to the measure, as he had attempted to show. He had written, it seems, a dozen letters to New York, and to but one of them he had received an answer. And what, sir, is the inference? Clearly, he presumed, that the interest taken in the question among the enlightened merchants of New York was not such as the gentleman had declared. And, when you are informed that four-fifths of the importing woollen trade in our own ports, is in the hands of foreigners, there is an obvious reason why the gentleman's correspondents are indifferent to the measures which are adopted to prevent impositions under it. The honorable gentleman has made the extraordinary assertion, that this measure is of more importance than all the Tariff of 1824. What, sir, is a bill, affecting at most the duties to be collected on four millions of woollen goods, to be compared with the great system by which articles yielding a revenue of twenty millions, were laid under new and increased duties? The gentleman could not seriously intend such an assertion. A change of duties upon almost the whole imports of a country, to be compared with a change which only affected the low-priced broadcloths and kerseymeres! partment, or from any other source, as to the effect of this measure upon our revenue-and without being fortified with information from our constituents. Courtesy should dictate to the members who urge this measure, that something is due to other sections of the country. Bills of great magnitude are yet to be acted upon. Sixty or seventy private bills lie upon your table. Mr. H. said we are bound to do justice to individuals who have waited year after year for the settlement of their just demands against the Government, so long with held from them. The bill for the gradual increase of the navy; the appropriation bils: the bill for the removal of the Indians west of the river Mississippi, is yet to be acted upona measure of deep interest to the new States a measure of great importance to the State he (Mr. H.) represented A bill for the gradua tion of the price of public lands, remains also yet to be acted upon-besides other measures of deep interest to the welfare of other seetions of country. Mr. H. further stated, that he had no doubt, and it must be apparent te every one, that this measure, if taken up, would consume the remainder of the session. Mr. H. appealed to the generosity of the House, to say explicitly whether other sections of country should not be heard at this session, upon other subjects of as deep interest as the one now proposed. The House, said Mr. H.. ought not to be hurried into this measure. It Mr. HAILE stated, that nothing but an impe- is not called for by the expression of public rious sense of duty could have induced him to opinion. In fact, the Southern people did not submit any remarks to the consideration of the dream that this measure would be seriously House. We are now discussing the propriety urged. Mr. H., in conclusion, stated that he of discharging the Committee of the Whole was fearful, if this measure was taken up, the from the farther consideration of this bill. We balance of this session would be consumed in are not prepared to enter upon its merits at debate; and other business of great importsree this session. It is well known that the State would share the cold neglect it met with at the he had the honor to represent, was not repre- last session-he, therefore, hoped the com sented upon this floor at the last session of tee would be discharged from the further con Congress; consequently business of much in-sideration of the subject. |