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character. Placing in a conspicuous view the incorrectness of the message as relating to the bank, they afforded a striking evidence that military fame, and qualification for civil trust, are different things, and that elevation to office does not necessarily carry along with it talents adapted to the discharge of its duties. The reports were of that clear and convincing character, as entirely to dissipate the cloud brought over the institution by the message, and to restore its stock to its former standing.

Indians. The subject of the Indians was one of the most interesting which engaged the attention of congress, in. volving questions which touched the justice and plighted faith of the nation. The four tribes of the southwest, the Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Choctaws, inhabiting portions of territory in the states of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and North Carolina, according to recent calculations, embrace a population of seventy-five thousand; equal in numbers to the white inhabitants in some of the small states. From the first discovery and settlement of this country, they have been treated as a distinct people, possessing certain rights and privileges independent of their white neighbors. Among the most essential of these, were the undisturbed occupancy of their soil, and the enjoyment of their own laws and customs. From the commencement of the government to the close of the late administration, the national policy has been, to respect their rights of territory and self-government. Treaties have been made with them at various times, in which large portions of their lands have been ceded to the United States, the consideration of which has been stipulated sums of money, and a solemn guaranty of the territory retained. Resting on immemorial possession, and these guaranties, the Indians have felt a degree of security in the enjoyment of their rights. By the aid of government and several be. nevolent private institutions, they have been brought to a considerable degree of civilization, attended with an increased attachment to their possessions. They were rapidly passing from the roving and hunter state to the condition of settled agriculturists. They had determined to part with no more of their lands; and one of the tribes, increasing in numbers, had formed something like a regular system of government. The states took the alarm, and passed acts extending their municipal laws and jurisdiction over the Indian territory within their limits, and abrogating Indian laws and customs. The state of Mississippi placed

them on a footing of their free white inhabitants. The laws of Georgia deprive them of their rights as Indians, without conferring on them the privilege and protection of citizens. Every feature of their enactments is calculated to oppress and banish the Indians. In this condition, the affairs of this people passed into the hands of the present administration, a majority of whom, with their head, were from the states interested in their removal. In answer to the supplications of the Indians to be protected in the enjoyment of their rights, they were told that the government have no power to afford them the solicited protection, and that their only safety is in the abandonment of their possessions, and a retreat to the west, beyond the states and organized territories of the union. This doctrine is repeated to them in several communications, always accompanied with assurances that their great father, the president, has the utmost tenderness and regard for his red children. Agents are sent among them with instructions to use every persuasion and inducement to enroll for emigration, seconded by the laws of Georgia, inflicting the severest penalties on any who should discourage such enrollment. As their last hope, the Indians sent a respectable delegation to the congress of 1829-30, to solicit their protection. This application was enforced by numerous memorials from citizens of the United States, who thought that they saw in this proceeding the most flagrant injustce and violation of the public faith. The business was referred, of course, in both houses, to their respective committees on Indian affairs. Here again the unfortunate Indian found himself in the hands of his enemies. A majority of both committees were from states interested in the Indian lands, and who supported the views of the administration regarding them. Their reports adopted the new system ; abrogated the rights of the Indians to their possessions, and self-government, and sustained the state authorities in extending their jurisdiction over them. The bill from the committee of the senate, reported by Mr. White of Tennessee, provided for the purchase of a region beyond the limits of the states, and organized territories, and for the transfer of the Indians thereto, with their free consent, leaving it to the states within whose limits they resided, aided by the agents of the general government, to bring about this consent in such manner as they pleased. The bill appropriated $500,000 for the commencement of the operation. Mr. Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, proposed an amendment providing for the protection of those who

chose to remain in the enjoyment of their rights and privileges. After a debate, in which the rights of this unfortunate race were ably supported, the amendment was negatived, and the bill passed.

In the course of the discussion in the house of representatives, Mr. Hemphill of Pennsylvania, offered as an amendment, a substitute for the bill, providing that the president, with the consent of the senate, should appoint three commissioners from the states having no direct interest in the removal of the Indians, who should repair to the several tribes in the south, and ascertain from them, whether any or all of them, were willing to exchange their lands for others west of the Mississippi. That they should visit the country proposed to be exchanged, and ascertain its fitness for their support; and that they should make an estimate of the expense of effecting the exchange and removal on equitable terms. The house refused to consider these propositions, and passed the bill as it came from the senate, with some immaterial alterations, by a small majority. The expense, attending this measure, consisting of a fair equivalent for the possessions, and improvements of the Indians east of the Mississippi, their removal to the base of the rocky mountains, a distance of nearly a thousand miles, their support until they can subsist on their new lands, and the maintenance of an adequate military force to protect them against hostilities from their new neighbors, was variously estimated from twenty to fifty millions of dollars. This, however, was considered in the debate, as of minor consequence, compared with the principle involved in the question.

Proclamation of the governor of Georgia. On the 3d of June the governor of Georgia issued a proclamation, de. claring the laws of the state in force over the Indian territory, and threatening with their penalties, all who should violate their provisions. This proclamation was accompanied by another of the same date, declaring the fee simple to all the Indian lands, and the exclusive property to the gold and silver therein, to be vested in the state of Georgia, and warning all persons, “ Indian occupants as well as others from trespassing thereon, and especially from taking any gold or silver from lands included within the territory occupied by the Cherokee Indians." These proceedings leave no doubt, but that every measure, short of the bayo. net, will be resorted to, to drive the Indians from their territory. They have, however, the consolation to reflect that, their rights may be brought to a cool, deliberate, and impartial decision, before the supreme court of the United

States. Any act of an American citizen, infringing on the property or rights of the Indians, as secured to them by treaty, creates a case for the ultimate decision of thàt tribunal; and from the apparent determined spirit of the Cherokees, there is little doubt but that such a case will be made. That nation have already engaged Mr. Wirt, late jattorney general of the United states, to advocate their

cause before the supreme court. To a letter to the executive of Georgia, giving him the information, and containing an elaborate argument in favor of the rights of that nation, the governor replied, that so long as he kept without the jurisdiction of that state, he was safe ; implying that if he

came within it to advocate the cause of his clients, he imight be subject to imprisonment in their penitentiary, by virtue of their late acts relating to the Indians.

Bill for the collection of duties. In the house of representatives, Mr. Mallary introduced a bill to provide for the more efficient collection of the revenue, the object of which $vas to guard against some gross frauds which had been practiced in evading the tariff of 1828. Mr. M.Duffie, who had been defeated in a direct motion to repeal the law, proposed as an amendment to this bill, an abolition of the tariff, apprehending that the most effectual way of guardAng against fraud in the collection, was to take off the duKies. On this amendment, the protecting system was again brought under consideration, fully discussed, and sustained, þy rejecting the amendment. Ayes 62, noes 112. In aid pf: Mr. M.Duffie, Mr. Cambreleng of New York, from the committee of commerce, introduced a report, condemning in strong terms, the tariff, and embracing the southern doc{rines in full, on the protecting system. Mr. Mallary's bill passed ; ayes 127, noes 41. The result of these discusşions rendered it certain that the protecting system would not be abandoned by this congress; and its friends confidently believed, that before another election a domestic competition will so reduse the price of the protected articles, as to remove all objection to the principle.

Removals. In the senate, most of the appointments mnade during the recess, were withheld for some time, waiting the arrival of two or three absent members. On a motion of Mr. Holmes of Maine, to request of the presi

dent information as to the causes of removal, the subject of making use of the appointing power, as an instrument of rewarding the friends, and punishing the opponents of the existing administration, was discussed in all its bearings, and its odious and disgusting features, placed in a conspicuous point of view. The degraded beings who would accept of office on the terms of surrendering their elective franchise, the advocates of Mr. Holmes' motion considered as wholly unfit for the public service.

The friends of the administration, without admitting that the practice had been carried to the extent claimed by their opponents, avowed the principle, and contended that it was proper for the president to call into service, men who would. support his measures. They claimed, that the tenure of; office being fixed by law, to be during the pleasure of the president, the senate had no controlling power in relation to removals, and could not compel the re-instatement of an: officer, in their opinion improperly removed. That their only legitimate inquiry, on a nomination being presented to them, was the fitness of the candidate for the office. Thats the executive was an independent and co-ordinate branch: of the government, not subject to the control of the others, and amenable only to the people, for the due exercise of the high and important prerogative of appointment and remos val.

Mr. Holme's resolution was negatived. No reasons were: assigned by the administration or its friends for the removals, leaving the question at issue before the American people, in the exercise of their elective privilege, whether they will sanction the prostitution of this power to the purposes of executive patronage. The precise number of removals did not appear in the course of the debate ; but it was stated, without contradiction, that it exceeded in the course of one year, of the present administration, that of the forty preceding years. Most of the nominations were confirmed by small majorities. The case of the three printers labored under peculiar difficulties. In addition to the objections applicable to other cases, this was so obviously a means of purchasing the press, the great engine of political power in the United States, that a majority of the senate could not be brought to sanction it. Two were rejected, and the other passed by the casting vote of the vice president. One of the rejected ones being afterwards renominated under. more favorable auspices, was confirmed. The legislature of the state to which the other belonged, in a moment of excitement, elected him to the senate of the United States,

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