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discussion of subjects already exhausted, could afford no new light or lead to any beneficial result. He would inform him, however, that it always had been, and would continue to be the policy of the United States to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality in the contest between Spain and her colonies; that laws had been made and rigidly enforced, inflicting heavy penalties on its infringement; that his information in relation to any expedition,

fitted out or on foot, to take possession of the Texas, to which Spain, he observed, had no title, except what she derived from the unratified treaty, was unfounded. In relation to the fraudulent grants, he gave the Spanish minister to understand, that they never would be recognized by the American government; and the declaration of Mr. Forsyth upon that subject was only intended to express what was the clear understanding of all parties to the instrument, at the time it was made, in order that neither the grantees, nor the Spanish government might be deceived. As to the stipulation, binding the American government not to recognize the independence of the Spanish American colonies, the secretary of state observed, no such obligation had been required of any European power, none could be given by the United States, and they never would consent to enter into any new obligations, in order to induce a fulfilment of those already made. The revolution in Spain which resuscitated the cortes, and made them a constituent part of the government, took place after Don Vives had received his instructions, and taken his departure for America. He stated this fact to Mr. Adams, observing that it might give quite a different aspect to the subject, and the correspondence closed.

In communicating this result to congress, the president stated, that it contained nothing which could operate as a reason for a further delay in taking possession of the Flori. das; but as the cortes had now become a component part of the Spanish government, it might be prudent to wait their determination, before the ultimate-step was taken. On this suggestion the subject was further delayed, and the cortes at length gave a reluctant assent to the Florida treaty; and the king of Spain, on the 24th of October, 1820, more than twenty months after its first signature, in pursuance of their advice, ratified the treaty, with an express declaration that the contested grants should be considered as null. As the period fixed in the treaty for its ratification had elapsed long before the king of Spain had accepted it, it became necessary that it should be again submitted to the senate.

It re

ceived the final sanction of the American government, on the 22d of February, 1821. The session of congress, termi. nating on the 3d of March following, they had time to do little more than pass a general law, authorizing the president to take possession of the ceded territory, according to the tenor of the treaty; and provide for its temporary government, according to the laws then existing in the provinces, until the next congress should make permanent provision upon the subject.

Importance of Florida. Considered merely as an extension of territory, to a nation already possessing more than can be peopled in several centuries, the attainment of the Floridas was of little consequence. But there were other points of view, which rendered its acquisition desirable, at almost any expense. In the hands of Spain, this territory was the receptacle of a population of the worst kind, constantly exposing the southern frontier, the weakest and most vulnerable of the United States, to depredation. In the possession of a more powerful nation, it would enable them to blockade the mouths of the Mississippi and Mobile rivers, destroy the trade of the United States in the gulf of Mexico, interrupt the water communication between the Atlantic and western states, and encourage Indian hostilities on the southern border. In the hands of the United States, the harbor of Pensacola is an important acquisition to their trade in the gulf; and the extensive forests of live oak found in the territory, afford important resources for the American marine. Its possession prevents the necessity of an expensive chain of military posts, on its northern border. Some of the rivers which pass through the Floridas, on their way to the ocean, take their rise in the United States, and are the natural outlet for the people inhabiting their head waters.

Extension of military posts. It was a favorite object of the war department, under Mr. Monroe's administration, to extend the military positions in the northwest, far into the interior of the Indian country, beyond the frontier settlements. The advantages expected from this policy were, to overawe and keep in peace the Indians; encourage the

progress of the settlements; to command the fur trade from the neighborhood of the Rocky mountains, said to be the most lucrative in America ; prevent the Hudson's bay company from extending their trade towards the sources of the Missouri, and expel the British from the limits of the United States. With these views, a strong military post was esta

blished on the Mississippi, at the mouth of the St.

Peters river, latitude 44 N., nine miles below the falls of St. Anthony This position commands the navigation of both rivers, and is capable of being rendered, with little expense, secure from an Indian attack. The climate is healthy, and the rich prairies and bottom lands which skirt both rivers, are capable of cultivation, to the extent of affording sustenance for the garrison. A tract nine miles square, and including this position, around the falls of St. Anthony, was purchased of the Indians, in 1805, and occupied by three hundred troops, in 1818. As a military position, it is of great importance, being in the neighborhood of several powerful Indian tribes, who heretofore had been under the exclusive control of British traders, and hostile to the Americans. It affords a ready access into the heart of the Indian country, by several channels : the Mississippi on the north, which is navigable for boats, six hundred miles above the falls ; the St. Croix on the northeast, which joins the Mississippi just below the falls, and communicates with lake Superior, by a portage of only half a mile; and the St. Peters on the northwest, which runs through the territory of the Sioux, the most powerful of the Indian tribes, and is navigable several hundred miles.

Yellow Stone river expedition. A second post was established at the Mandan villages, on the Missouri, sixteen hundred miles above its junction with the Mississippi, and one hundred and fifty south of an establishment of the Hudson's bay company, on the Assaniboin river; and a third at the mouth of the Yellow Stone, a river which rises from a lake in the Rocky mountains, and running a northeasterly course, falls into the Missouri, eighteen hundred miles above St. Louis. The manner in which the expedition to the Yellow Stone proceeded from St. Louis, was calculated to make a deep impression on the natives adjoining the banks of the Missouri. A steamboat, in the form of a huge water snake, and having every appearance of a live animal, appeared breasting the current, overcoming every obstacle, and dashing through the waters with great velocity, and constantly emitting a dense volume of smoke from its mouth. By an occasional discharge of a heavy gun, the wilderness, for miles around, appeared to echo with the bellowing of the animal. A creature of so imposing an aspect, had a powerful effect on the wondering savages, collected on the banks. In their view, the great evil spirit had arisen from the deep, and was come to punish their transgressions,

They endeavored to appease his anger, by paying homage to his power, in their accustomed manner of worship. The expedítion was unable to ascend, the first season, further than the Council Bluffs, twelve hundred miles up the Missouri, and the most northwestern post of the United States. They spent the winter of 1819-20 at this place, making preparation to proceed to the place of their ultimate destination. But the expedition was afterwards abandoned.

Furstonwether's application. Among the characters which the spirit of emigration had disposed to transplant themselves from the eastern to the western continent, in the year 1819, was a German by the name of Furstonwether, who had been employed by the Baron de Gagern, to collect information concerning his countrymen in the United States, and solicit favors and encouragement for them from the government; his mission having introduced him to the secretary of state, and led him into a corres. pondence with that department, the affairs of his country. men became but a secondary object of his concern, he modestly solicited for himself an office in the department of state, promising, that in case it should be sufficiently inviting, he would transfer his allegiance to this country, and forego very advantageous offers of employment in his own.

Mr. Adams' reply. To this office-seeker from Germany, who seems to have supposed that the United States were in great want of talents to administer the government, Mr. Adams replied in a tone calculated for ever to silence such pretensions, and in a manner of which his fellow-citizens must ever be proud. The government of the United States," he

says, “has never adopted any measure to en. courage or invite emigrants from any part of Europe. It has never held out any incitements to induce the subjects of any other sovereign to abandon their own country to be. come inhabitants of this. From motives of humanity, it has occasionally furnished facilities to emigrants, who, having arrived here with views of forming settlements, have spe. cially needed such assistance to carry them into effect. One principle pervades all the institutions of this country, and must always operate as an obstacle to the granting of favors to new comers. This is not a land of privileges, but of equal rights. Emigrants from Germany, therefore, or elsewhere, are not to expect favors from the government. They are to expect, if they choose to become citizens, equal rights with those of the natives of the community: if affluent, the means of making their property productive, with moderation

and with safety; if indigent, but industrious, honest, and frugal, the means of obtaining easy and comfortable subsistence for themselves and their families. They come to a life of independence, and also to a life of labor; and if they cannot accommodate themselves to the character, moral, political, and physical, of this country, with all its compensating balances of good and evil, the Atlantic is always open to them to return to the land of their nativity and their fathers.

“We understand perfectly, that of the multitude of foreigners who yearly flock to our shores, to take up their abode here, none come from affection or regard to a land to which they are total strangers, and with the very language of which, those of them who are Germans, are generally unacquainted. We know they come with views not to our benefit, but their own; not to promote our welfare, but to better their own condition. We expect, therefore, very few, if any transplanted countrymen, who enjoy happiness, ease, or even comfort, in their native climes. The happy and contented remain at home, and it requires an impulse at least as keen as that of urgent want, to drive a man from the seat of his nativity, and the land of his fathers' sepulchres. Of the very few emigrants of more fortunate classes, who ever make the attempt to settle in this country, a principal proportion sicken at the strangeness of our manners, and after a residence more or less protracted, return to the countries from whence they came.

There are · doubtless exceptions, and among the most opulent, and most distinguished of our citizens, we are happy to number individuals who might have enjoyed or acquired wealth and consideration without resorting to a new country, and another hemisphere. We should take great satisfaction in finding you included in this number, if it should suit your own, inclinations, and the prospects of your future life, upon your calculations of your own interest. It is not in my power to add the inducement of office. All the places in the de. partment to which I belong, allowed by the laws, are filled, norįs there a prospect of an early vacancy in any of them. Whenever such vacancies occur, the applications from na. tives of the country to fill them, are far more numerous than the offices, and the recommendations in behalf of the candidates so strong, that it would seldom be possible, if it would ever be just, to give a preference over them to foreigners. I should not, therefore, do either an act of kindness or justice to you, in dissuading you from the offers of

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