thus madly attach ourselves to our belligerent enemies. But thus it is. Sir George Saville threw out in the House that he wished to carry home to his constituents the news of an accommodation with America; and Mr. David Hartley has given notice of his intentions to make a motion relative to us. But I confess I have no expectations. Mr. Hartley's motions and speeches have never made any great fortune in the House, nor been much attended to; from whence I conclude, if the present great leaders, even of opposition in the House, were seriously disposed to do any thing towards a pacification, which we could attend to, they would not suffer Mr. Hartley to have the honor of making the motion. The heads of many people run upon a truce with America, and Mr. Hartley's motion may tend this way; but a truce with America cannot be made without a peace with France and Spain, and would America accept of such a truce? Give Great Britain time to encroach and fortify upon all our frontiers? To send enemies into the States, and sow the seeds of discord? To rise out of her present exhausted condition? Suffer France and Spain to relax? Wait for alterations by the death of princes, or the changes in the characters of princes or Ministers in Europe? I ask these questions that Congress may give me instructions, if necessary. At present I do not believe my powers are sufficient to agree to a truce, if it was proposed; nor do I believe it would be for our interests or safety to agree to it, if I had. I do not mean, however, to give any decided opinion upon such a great question in this hasty letter; I am open to conviction, and shall obey the instructions of Congress with the most perfect respect. I have the honor to be, &c., JOHN ADAMS. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Paris, March 24th, 1780. Sir, Mr. Burke's bill not being as yet public, we are not yet informed of the items of it. But as it already appears that it strikes at the Department of Secretary of State for America, and at the Board of Trade, there seems to be little reason to doubt that it goes further, VOL. II.-No. 43 and strikes at the American Board of Commissioners, at all the American Judges of Admiralty, Governors of Provinces, Secretaries, and custom-house officers of all denominations. At least, if this should not be found to be a part of the bill, there are stronger reasons, if possible, for abolishing this whole system of iniquity, together with all the pensions granted to the refugees from America, than even for taking away the Board of Trade. And from several late paragraphs in the papers, and from Mr. Fox's severe observations in the House of Commons upon Governor Hutchinson, calling him in substance the "firebrand that lighted up all the fire between the two countries," it seems pretty clear that it is in contemplation to take away all these salaries and pensions. If such a measure should take place, exiled as these persons are from the country which gave them birth, but which they have most ungratefully endeavored to enslave, they will become melancholy monuments of Divine vengeance against such unnatural and impious behavior. Nevertheless, as these persons are numerous, and have some friends in England as well as in America, where they had once much property, there is a probability, I think, that whenever or wherever negociations for peace may be commenced, they and their estates, now almost universally confiscated, will not be forgotten. But much pains and art will be employed to stipulate for them in the treaty both a restoration of their property and a right to return as citizens of the States to which they formerly belonged. It is very possible, however, that before the treaty shall be made, or even negociations commenced, these gentlemen will become so unpopular and odious that the people of England would be pleased with their sufferings and punishment. But it is most probable that the Court will not abandon them very easily. I should, therefore, be very happy to have the explicit instructions of Congress upon this head, whether I am to agree, in any case whatsoever, to an article which shall admit of their return, or the restoration of their forfeited estates. There are sentiments of humanity and forgiveness which plead on one side, there are reasons of State and political motives (among which the danger of admitting such mischievous persons as citizens is not the least considerable) which argue on the other. I shall obey the instructions of Congress with the utmost pleasure; or if, for any reasons, they choose to leave it at discretion, if I ever should have the opportunity, I shall determine it without listening to any passions of my own of compassion or resentment, according to my best judgment of the public good. There is another point of very great importance, which I am persuaded will be aimed at by the English Ministers-I am sure it will by the people of Englandwhenever times of peace shall be talked of. For facilitating the return of commerce, they will wish to have it stipulated by the treaty that the subjects of Great Britain shall have the rights of citizens in America, and the citizens of the United States the rights of subjects in the British dominions. Some of the consequences of such an agreement to them and to us are obvious, and very important; but they are so numerous that it is difficult to determine whether so great a question should be left to my determination. If, however, contrary to my inclinations, it should fall to my lot to decide it without instructions, it shall be decided according to my conscience, and the best lights I have. I have the honor to be, &c., JOHN ADAMS. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Paris, March 24th, 1780. Sir, It has been observed in former letters that there is scarcely an example of such a series of fortunate incidents as that which happened to Rodney's fleet; and it may be proper to dilate a little upon some of these incidents, to show that the enthusiastic applause which is given him by the Court, the Lords, the Commons, and the city of London, is no otherwise merited than by the boldness of his enterprise, unless simple good fortune is merit. It must be allowed that it was a desperate plan in the Minister to order him out on the design to succor Gibraltar; and it was a desperate resolution in him to undertake it; because he had to expect to meet with the whole Spanish squadron at Cadiz, and that it would follow him, which was in fact the case. Don Gaston sailed from Brest the 13th of January in search of Admiral Rodney, with twenty Spanish ships-of-the-line, with four French ships-of-the-line-the Glorieux, the Burgundy, the Zodiac, and the Scipio-with the frigate the Nereis, under the Chef d'Escadre the Chevalier de Bousset. If the four and twenty ships of-the-line had joined Don Langara's squadron, there is scarce a possibility of doubt, after the brave defence made by him with such inferior force, that Rodney's fleet would have been totally ruined, and consequently Gibraltar reduced to extremities. But this was not to happen. The next day after Don Gaston sailed from Brest, he met with a terrible storm, which separated his fleet. Two of his Spanish ships arrived at Cadiz the 31st of January, the Serious and the Atlant, each of seventy guns. The 3d of February there arrived twelve others: the Rayo, commanded by Don Gaston, and the St. Louis, both of eighty guns; the Velasco, the St. Francis de Paule, the S. Isabella, the S. Joachim, the St. Peter, the St. Damase, the Arrogant, and the Warrior, all of seventy; the Mink of fifty-six, and the frigates the Assumption and the Emerald, with the French division under the Chevalier de Bousset, excepting the Scipio, commanded by the Baron de Durfort, which did not arrive until the 17th of February, after having cruised ten or twelve days off St. Vincent, which had been appointed as the place of rendezvous and reunion, in case of separation. The Guardian Angel, of seventy guns, which was also separated from the squadron, did not arrive till several days after Don Gaston at Cadiz, having suffered very much, as well as all the other vessels, in their masts and rigging, by the bad weather, and especially by the violent gale of wind which they met with on the 1st of February, near the Cape of St. Vincent. Of the five remaining Spanish vessels, four went into Ferrol: the St. Vincent Ferries, of eighty guns, commanded by Don d'Acre, Lieutenant General; the St. Charles of eighty, the Vengeur of seventy, and the Septentrion of sixty; the fifth, named the St. Joseph, of seventy, by Don Orsorno, Chef d'Escadre, returned to Brest dismasted. This separation and dispersion of the fleet, and of its principal officers, exposed Langara, and made Rodney's fortune; and the necessity these vessels were in of reparation gave liberty to the English fleet to put to sea from Gibraltar, and regain the Atlantic ocean, on the 13th of February, to the number of twenty-two ships-of-the-line, including those of Rodney, Digby, and Ross, and four of the vessels taken from the Spaniards, and three frigates, with twelve merchant ships under their convoy, leaving at Gibraltar the Edgar of seventy-four, the Panther of sixty, which has been there a long time, and the Guipuscoa of sixty-four guns, taken from the Spaniards on the 8th of January, with twenty-four merchant vessels under her convoy. There has been much conversation for several days concerning a Spanish armament preparing at Cadiz, and letters from Carthagena say, that the regiment of infantry called the Flankers' regiment, which has been in garrison in that city, has been completed by orders from the Court of Naples, and on the 1st of March the first battalion marched for Cadiz, and on the 4th of March the second battalion. It is said that this regiment is to embark with several others, which from different garrisons have arrived at the same place for America, in all parts of which, according to appearances, the English will have enough to do to maintain their ground this ensuing campaign. In Ireland, on the 22d of February, an assembly of the gentlemen, clergy, and freeholders of the city of Dublin, resolved unanimously that the advantages obtained in commerce are neither complete nor solidly established; that the sense of the nation is, that the Irish Parliament alone, in concert with the Sovereign, can give to the laws already obtained of the Prince their obligatory force; that what has been done ought not to be considered as any thing more than a great beginning; and that the general hope was that the end of the session would be as advantageous to the political constitution of the country as the commencement of it had been favorable to commerce; that the fathers of the country are particularly requested and instructed to obtain a declaratory act, which may preserve forever the free and independent state of Ireland, and by introducing some necessary modifications of Poyning's law, to prevent in future all controversy between the King and the Parliament of Ireland, concerning fundamental laws. These instructions were given by the sheriffs to the representatives of Dublin, who answered that they were convinced that no foreign legislative power whatsoever had any right, or ought to arrogate to itself any authority over their nation, and without injuring the legal and known authority which his Majesty has a right to exercise over this Kingdom in a manner conformable to the laws, they would neglect nothing to obtain an act, which should take away every unjust restriction, and which should tend to assure the constitutional independence of the Kingdom. This is said to be the general sense |