enemy on that head. I take leave to repeat to you my desire to have the papers and political publications sent regularly to this office. I have the honor to be, &c., ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. TO DAVID HARTLEY. Passy, February 16th, 1782. Dear Sir, I received your favor of the 24th past. You have taken pains to rectify a mistake of mine relating to the aim of your letters. I accept kindly your replication, and I hope you will excuse my error when you reflect that I knew of no consent given by France to our treating separately of peace, and that there has been mixed in some of your conversations and letters various reasonings to show that, if France should require something of us that was unreasonable, we then should not be obliged by our treaty to join with her in continuing the war. As there had never been such requisition, what could I think of such discourses? I thought as I suppose an honest woman would think if a gallant should entertain her with suppositions of cases in which infidelity to her husband would be justifiable. Would not she naturally imagine, seeing no other foundation or motive for such conversation, that, if he could once get her to admit the general principle, his intended next step would be to persuade her that such a case actually existed. Thus knowing your dislike of France, and your strong desire of recovering America to England, I was impressed with the idea that such an infidelity on our part would not be disagreeable to you, and that you were therefore aiming to lessen in my mind the horror I conceived at the idea of it. But we will finish here by mutually agreeing that neither you were capable of proposing, nor I of acting on, such principles. I cannot, however, forbear endeavoring to give a little possible utility to this letter, by saying something on your case of Dunkirk. You do not see why two nations should be deemed natural enemies to each other: nor do I, unless one or both of them are naturally mischievous and insolent. But I can see how enmities long continued, even during a peace, tend to shorten that peace, and to rekindle a war; and this is when either party, having an advantage in war, shall exact conditions in the treaty of peace that are goading and constantly mortifying to the other. I take this to be the case of your "Commissioner at Dunkirk." What would be your feelings if France should take and hold possession of Portsmouth, or Spain of Plymouth, after a peace, as you formerly held Calais, and now hold Gibraltar? or, on restoring your ports, should insist on having an insolent commissioner stationed there, to forbid your placing one stone upon another by way of fortification? You would probably not be very easy under such a stipulation. If, therefore, you desire a peace that may be firm and durable, think no more of such extravagant demands. It is not necessary to give my opinion further on that point, yet I may add frankly, as this is merely private conversation between you and me, that I do think a faithful ally, especially when under obligations for such great and generous assistance as we have received, should fight as long as he is able to prevent, as far as his continuing to fight may prevent, his friends being compelled again to suffer such an insult. men. My dear friend, the true pains you are taking to restore peace, whatever may be the success, entitle you to the esteem of all good If your Ministers really desire peace, methinks they would do well to empower some person to make propositions for that purpose. One or other of the parties at war must take the first step. To do this belongs properly to the wisest. America being a novice in such affairs, has no pretence to that character; and, indeed, after the answer given by Lord Stormont, (when we proposed to him something relative to the mutual treatment of prisoners with humanity,) that "the King's Ministers receive no applications from Rebels unless when they come to implore his Majesty's clemency," it cannot be expected that we should hazard the exposing ourselves again to such insolence. All I can say further at present is, that, in my opinion, your enemies do not aim at your destruction, and that, if you propose a treaty, you will find them reasonable in their demands, provided that on your side they meet with the same good dispositions. But do not dream of dividing us; you will certainly never be able to effect it. With great regard and affection, I am ever, dear sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN. Translation. Sir, Versailles, February 24th, 1782. You will find enclosed an official despatch,* which has been sent me from the Court of Copenhagen, respecting some excesses that are said to have been committed near the coast of Norway by three American vessels. I make no doubt but you will take the earliest opportunity to transmit it to Congress, that they may decide agreeably to the principles of the laws of nations upon the claim of his Danish Majesty. I have the honor, &c., DE VERGENNES. DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN. My dear Friend, February 28th, 1782. I have not as yet any thing to communicate to you. I have upon many occasions recommended the road to peace in the most earnest way. I am not without hopes. I think I may venture to say that the arguments which I have stated have made an impression. I have not expected to receive the final answer from Lord North till after the Parliamentary arrangements of the year are settled. I am just for three or four days in the country, upon a little business, but upon a furlough, as I may say, with the knowledge of Lord North, who, during the budget week, cannot possibly want to see me. I have therefore taken that week for a little private business in the country, and if Lord North should happen to wish to see me, my brother keeps watch, and is to send express for me. for me. Public report will tell you that on Friday last there was a division in the House on an American question, of one hundred and ninety-four to one hundred and ninety-three. I cannot answer for the dispositions of the Ministers, but in point of justice I ought to say that I think, and as far as I can judge from the conferences which I have had, that I have found good dispo See above, p. 214. sitions towards peace. I do not pledge myself, because I may be deceived; however, that is my opinion, and I say thus much lest my silence should appear suspicious, and create alienation in other parties. I think I have seen good dispositions from the first commencement of my conferences on peace. My brother sends me word that Mr. Alexander is to return by the next mail. I therefore write this to send either by him, or at least in the same packet. I have had much conversation with him, and he will tell you that I have done my utmost to serve the cause of peace. I will conclude this with a quotation, which I have applied to another person in argument respecting peace: "Consulere patriæ, parcere afflictis, ferâ cæde abstinere, God bless you and prosper our pacific endeavors. I shall probably write again to you soon. Your affectionate, D. HARTLEY. Dear Sir, EDMUND BURKE TO B. FRANKLIN.* London, February 28th, 1782. It has not Your most obliging letter demanded an early answer. received the acknowledgment which was so justly due to it. But Providence has well supplied my deficiencies, and the delay of the answer has made it much more satisfactory, than at the time of my receipt of your letter I dared to promise myself it could be. I congratulate you, as the friend of America; I trust, as not the enemy of England; I am sure, as the friend of mankind; on the resolution of the House of Commons, carried by a majority of nineteen, at two o'clock this morning, in a very full house. It was the declaration of * This letter was written in answer to one from Dr. Franklin, requesting Mr. Burke to negociate an exchange of Henry Laurens, when in the Tower, for General Burgoyne. Mr. Laurens was at the time under some mistake in regard to this subject, as he supposed that Mr. Burke first applied to Dr. Franklin to effect such an exchange, and imagined that Dr. Franklin neglected him; whereas he took the most prompt and efficient means in his power to procure Mr. Laurens's release. See Henry Laurens's letter, dated May 30th, 1782, Vol. I., p. 716. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN. Translation. Sir, Versailles, February 24th, 1782. You will find enclosed an official despatch,* which has been sent me from the Court of Copenhagen, respecting some excesses that are said to have been committed near the coast of Norway by three American vessels. I make no doubt but you will take the earliest opportunity to transmit it to Congress, that they may decide agreeably to the principles of the laws of nations upon the claim of his Danish Majesty. I have the honor, &c., DE VERGENNES. DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN. February 28th, 1782. My dear Friend, I have not as yet any thing to communicate to you. I have upon many occasions recommended the road to peace in the most earnest way. I am not without hopes. I think I may venture to say that the arguments which I have stated have made an impression. I have not expected to receive the final answer from Lord North till after the Parliamentary arrangements of the year are settled. I am just for three or four days in the country, upon a little business, but upon a furlough, as I may say, with the knowledge of Lord North, who, during the budget week, cannot possibly want to see me. I have therefore taken that week for a little private business in the country, and if Lord North should happen to wish to see me, my brother keeps watch, and is to send express for me. Public report will tell you that on Friday last there was a division in the House on an American question, of one hundred and ninety-four to one hundred and ninety-three. I cannot answer for the dispositions of the Ministers, but in point of justice I ought to say that I think, and as far as I can judge from the conferences which I have had, that I have found good dispo See above, p. 214. |