of maintaining us all, is, I assure you, enormously great. I wish that the utility may equal it. I imagine every one of us spends nearly as much as Lord Stormont did. It is true he left behind him the character of a niggard; and when the advertisement appeared for the sale of his household goods, all Paris laughed at an article of it, perhaps very innocently expressed, "Une grande quantité du linge de table, qui n'a jamais servi.” « Cela est tres vraisemblable,” say they, "car il n'a jamais donné à manger." But as to our number, whatever advantage there might be in the joint counsels of three for framing and adjusting the articles of the treaty, there can be none in managing the common business of a resident here. On the contrary, all the advantages in negociation that result from secrecy of sentiment, and uniformity in expressing it, and in common business from despatch, are lost. In a Court, too, where every word is watched and weighed, if a number of Commissioners do not every one hold the same language, in giving their opinion on any public transaction, this lessens their weight; and when it may be prudent to put on, or avoid certain appearances of concern, for example, or indifference, satisfaction, or dislike, where the utmost sincerity and candor should be used, and would gain credit, if no semblance of art showed itself in the inadvertent discourse, perhaps of only one of them, the hazard is in proportion to the number. And where every one must be consulted on every particular of common business, in answering every letter, &c., and one of them is offended if the smallest thing is done without his consent, the difficulty of being often and long enough together, the different opinions, and the time consumed in debating them, the interruptions by new applicants in the time of meeting, &c., &c., occasion so much postponing and delay, that correspondence languishes, occasions are lost, and the business is always behindhand. I have mentioned the difficulty of being often and long enough together; this is considerable, where they cannot all be accommodated in the same house; but to find three people whose tempers are so good, and who like so well one another's company and manner of living and conversing, as to agree well themselves, though being in one house, and whose servants will not by their indiscretion quarrel with one another, and by artful misrepresentations draw their masters in to take their parts, to the disturbance of necessary harmony, these are difficulties still greater and almost insurmountable; and, in consideration of the whole, I wish Congress would separate us. The Spanish galliots, which have been patiently expected, are at length happily arrived. The fleet and army returning from Brazil is still out, but supposed to be on her way homewards. When that and the South Sea ships are arrived it will appear whether Spain's accession to the treaty has been delayed for the reasons given, or whether the reasons were only given to excuse the delay. The English and French fleets of nearly equal force are now both at sea. It is not doubted but that if they meet there will be a battle, for though England through fear affects to understand it to be still peace, and would excuse the depredations she has made on the commerce of France by pretences of illicit trade, &c., yet France considers the war begun from the time of the King's message to Parliament complaining of the insult France had given by treating with us and demanding aids to resist it, and the answer of both Houses offering their lives and fortunes; and the taking several frigates are deemed indisputable hostilities. Accordingly, orders are given to all the fleets and armed ships to return hostilities, and encouragement is offered to privateers, &c. An Ambassador from Spain is indeed gone to London, and joyfully received there, in the idea that peace may be made by his mediation; but as yet we learn nothing certain of his mission, and doubt his effecting any thing of the kind. War in Germany seems to be inevitable, and this occasioning great borrowings of money in Holland and elsewhere by the Powers concerned, makes it more difficult for us to succeed in ours. When we engaged to Congress to pay their bills for the interest of the sums they should borrow, we did not dream of their drawing on us for other occasions. We have already paid of Congress' drafts, to returned officers, eighty-two thousand two hundred and eleven livres ; and we know not how much more of that kind we have to pay, because the committee have never let us know the amount of those drafts, or their account of them never reached us, and they still continue coming in. And we are now surprised with advice of drafts from Mr. Bingham to the amount of one hundred thousand If you reduce us to bankruptcy here, by a non-payment of your drafts, consider the consequences. In my humble opinion no drafts should be made on us without first learning from us that we shall be able to answer them. M. de Beaumarchais has been out of town ever since the arrival of your power to settle with him. I hope he will be able to furnish the supplies mentioned in the invoice and contract. The settlement may be much better made with the assistance of Mr. Deane, we being not privy to the transaction. We have agreed to give Monsieur Dumas two hundred louis a year, thinking that he well deserves it. With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c., B. FRANKLIN. INSTRUCTIONS TO B. FRANKLIN, AS MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT OF FRANCE. We, the Congress of the United States of North America, having thought it proper to appoint you their Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of his Most Christian Majesty, you shall in all things, according to the best of your knowledge and abilities, promote the interest and honor of the said States at that Court, with a particular attention to the following instructions. 1. You are immediately to assure his Most Christian Majesty that these States entertain the highest sense of his exertions in their favor, particularly by sending the respectable squadron under the Count d'Estaing, which would probably have terminated the war in a speedy and honorable manner, if unforeseen and unfortunate circumstances had not intervened. You are further to assure him that they consider this speedy aid not only as a testimony of his Majesty's fidelity to the engagements he has entered into, but as an earnest of that protection which they hope from his power and magnanimity, and as a bond of gratitude to the union, founded on mutual interest. 2. You shall, by the earliest opportunity, and on every necessary occasion, assure the King and his Ministers that neither the Congress nor any of the States they represent, have at all swerved from their determination to be independent, made in July, 1776. But as the declaration was made in the face of the most powerful fleet and army which could have been expected to operate against them, and without any the slightest assurance of foreign aid, so, although in a defenceless situation, and harassed by the secret machinations and designs of intestine foes, they have, under the exertions of that force during those bloody campaigns, persevered in their determination to be free. And that they have been inflexible in this determination, notwithstanding the interruption of their commerce, the great sufferings they have experienced from the want of those things which it procured, and the unexampled barbarity of their enemies. 3. You are to give the most pointed and positive assurances that although the Congress are earnestly desirous of peace, as well to arrange their finances and recruit the exhausted state of their country as to spare the further effusion of blood, yet they will faithfully perform their engagements, and afford every assistance in their power to prosecute the war for the great purposes of the alliance. 4. You shall endeavor to obtain the King's consent to expunge from the treaty of commerce the eleventh and twelfth articles, as inconsistent with that equality and reciprocity which form the best security to perpetuate the whole. 5. You are to exert yourself to procure the consent of the Court of France, that all American seamen who may be taken on board of British vessels, may, if they choose, be permitted to enter on board of American vessels. In return for which you are authorised to stipulate that all Frenchmen who may be taken on board of British vessels, by vessels belonging to the United States, shall be delivered up to persons appointed for that purpose by his Most Christian Majesty. 6. You are to suggest to the Ministers of his Most Christian Majesty the advantage that would result from entering on board the ships of these States, British seamen who may be made prisoners, thereby impairing the force of the enemy, and strengthening the hands of his ally. 7. You are also to suggest the fatal consequences, which would follow to the commerce of the common enemy, if, by confining the war to the European and Asiatic seas, the coasts of America could be so far freed from the British fleets, as to furnish a safe asylum to the frigates and privateers of the allied nations and their prizes. 8. You shall constantly inculcate the certainty of ruining the British fisheries on the Banks of Newfoundland, and consequently the British marine, by reducing Halifax and Quebec; since, by that means they would be exposed to alarm and plunder, and deprived of the necessary supplies formerly drawn from America. The plan proposed to Congress for compassing these objects is herewith transmitted for your more particular instruction.* 9. You are to lay before the Court the deranged state of our finances, together with the causes thereof; and show the necessity of placing them on a more respectable footing, in order to prosecute the war with vigor on the part of America. Observations on that subject are herewith transmitted,† and more particular instructions shall be sent, whenever the necessary steps previous thereto shall have been taken. 10. You are, by every means in your power, to promote a perfect harmony, concord, and good understanding, not only between the allied Powers, but also between and among their subjects, that the connexion so favorably begun may be perpetuated. 11. You shall in all things take care not to make any engagements or stipulations on the part of America, without the consent of America previously obtained. We pray God to further you with His goodness in the several objects hereby recommended; and that He will have you in His holy keeping. Done at Philadelphia, the 26th day of October, 1778. H. LAURENS, President. COMMITTEF OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN. Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778. Sir, As the Marquis de la Fayette will deliver this, we refer you to his conversation, in addition to the gazettes, for an account of the movements of the enemy. He will doubtless gain some further knowledge of them, than we are yet possessed of before he leaves Boston. We shall speedily have opportunities of forwarding dupli * For a copy of this plan, see the Secret Journals, vol. 2, p. 111. † See the Secret Journals, vol. 2, p. 118. |