avoided the recognition of other states, who, having followed her wicked example in this matter, had sought commercial and political relations with her. But I humbly conceive that, having abandoned both slavery and the slave-trade, and fixed publicly and for ever the brand of moral reprobation on these enormous crimes, it became her duty thenceforward to act in conformity with her noble decision, and to maintain the honourable position to which she had been exalted among the nations of the earth. It follows, therefore, in my apprehension, that she was brought under solemn obligations to discountenance slavery and the slavetrade, wherever they might exist; to foster the spirit of humanity and justice among the nations with which she might be connected; to encourage free and liberal institutions in new and rising states; and to refuse friendly relations with any people who might seek to establish slavery in countries where it had hitherto been unknown, or to re-establish it where it had been previously abolished. In this way she might have become the guardian of the liberties of mankind; and her mighty influence have been exerted for good, and not for evil, in time to come. "I need hardly state that few indeed were the native Mexicans or Texans engaged in the revolt which led to the formation of the Texan republic, and which has terminated most unhappily in the establishment of a wicked and cruel despotism, by the overthrow of a generous system of government, which had secured liberty to the slave, the suppression of the slave-trade, and the protection of the aboriginal tribes. The Americans invaded the territory, and by brute force have wrenched Texas from the parent state, reversed the Mexican laws, established slavery in perpetuity, and have already issued a proclamation commanding all free persons of African descent, whether born in the land or not, whether possessed of property or not, to quit the republic within a given period of time; and an army of twelve hundred men has been levied for the extermination of the Indian tribes. Humanity cannot but shudder at the sufferings which must ensue from the working out of this iniquitous policy; and religion must again weep over scenes of devastation and blood, which have too often and too long covered the name of nominal Christians with ignominy. "In concluding these remarks, I cannot but contrast the painful fact of the recognition of Texas with the non-recognition of Hayti. In the one case, I perceive a band of marauders and slave-holders, after having deprived a friendly power of part of its dominions, and "framed iniquity by a law," admitted to the highest distinctions and privileges this country can confer upon them; whilst, in the other case, I behold a people, who for centuries had been enslaved and oppressed, after having achieved their liberty, and established free institutions on a firm foundation, treated with scorn and indignity. "I have the honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient humble servant, "J. H. TREDGOLD, Secretary. "At an adjourned meeting of the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, held at 27, New Broad Street, London, on Wednesday, the 2nd day of December, 1840; "JACOB POST, Esq., in the Chair, "It was unanimously resolved, "I. That inasmuch as the system of slavery forms an integral part of the constitutional law of the new republic of Texas, this Committee have heard with feelings of the deepest sorrow and humiliation, that her Majesty's government have been induced to enter into a commercial treaty with its representative, by which act that republic has been introduced to the high distinction of a place amongst the great family of civilized nations; and that thus the moral dignity and national honour of this great country have been outraged, the dearest interests of multitudes of human beings, their liberty and happiness, trampled under foot, a fearful impulse given to slavery and the slave-trade, and the sacred cause of Christianity, civilization, and freedom immeasurably retarded. “II.—That, in view of the great fact that the legislature of this country, stimulated by the Christian zeal of its people, has abo lished for ever the guilty traffic in human beings, and terminated the atrocious system of bondage which formerly existed in the British colonies; and that the government has perseveringly, if not hitherto successfully, sought the entire suppression of the foreign slave-trade, at an enormous cost of the national treasure and of human life; the Committee cannot but express their great astonishment, as well as their profound regret, that her Majesty's ministers should have entered into friendly relations with a people whose first act, after a successful but wholly unjustifiable revolt, was to engraft on their constitution the system of slavery, to create a slave trade between the United States and themselves, as well as for the utter expulsion of all free persons of African descent, and the final extirpation of the aboriginal tribes from the soil; and thus to violate every principle of humanity and justice, and to consolidate, extend, and perpetuate slavery and the slave trade in a country, which, as part of the Mexican empire, had been previously devoted to freedom. "III.—That, therefore, this Committee, as the organ of the Anti-slavery principles and feelings of the country, feel bound to enter their solemn protest against the recognition of the independence of Texas as a most immoral and impolitic act, alike uncalled for by the justice or the exigency of the case, as fraught with the most injurious consequences to mankind, and as consequently deserving the unqualified reprobation of all good men." Lord Palmerston's reply to these resolutions will startle the lovers of truth and consistency. It is as follows: 66 Foreign Office, December 14th, 1840. "SIR,-I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 7th instant, addressed to his lordship, transmitting a copy of Resolutions which the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society passed on the 2nd instant, expressing their concern that her Majesty's government should have entered into a commercial treaty with Texas, and protesting against the recognition of the independence of that republic by Great Britain. "I am, in reply, directed to state to you, that Lord Palmerston very much regrets that the Committee should take this view of the measure which has been adopted by her Majesty's government in regard to Texas; but that it does not appear to Lord Palmerston, on the one hand, that the refusal of Great Britain to conclude a commercial treaty with Texas would have had any effect in inducing the Texans to abolish slavery within their territory; nor, on the other hand, that the conclusion of such a treaty can have the effect of affording the Texans any encouragement to continue the condition of slavery as part of their law. "It may indeed be hoped, that the greater intercourse between Great Britain and Texas, which will probably result from the treaty, may have the effect of mitigating, rather than aggravating, the evils arising out of the legal existence of slavery in that republic. "Lord Palmerston desires me to mention, that you appear to be under a misapprehension as to the state of the relation between Great Britain and Hayti; inasmuch as Great Britain has actually concluded a treaty with Hayti, as an independent state; and I have the satisfaction to acquaint you, that the specific object and purpose of that treaty is the suppression of the slavetrade. "I am, Sir, your obedient humble servant, "J. H. Tredgold, Esq., &c." My Lord Palmerston's right and left arguments will, I doubt not, puzzle some of the ablest political fuglemen even on his lordship's own side of the House. Mark the absurdity of his telling the people of this country, "that the conclusion of a treaty of commerce," which would give a moral impetus to the rise, and a great and continuous moral influence to Texas, would not "have the effect of affording the Texans any encouragement to continue the condition of slavery as part of their law." In the third paragraph, fallacy, if possible, is still more glaring. "The greater intercourse," says his lordship, "between Great Britain and Texas may have the effect of mitigating the evils arising out of the legal existence of slavery in that republic." The legal existence of slavery in a country where it had been totally abolished! Monstrous assertions! Anti-national partisanship and idle nonsense could scarcely be carried further. Has the constant and "greater intercourse" between Great Britain and the United States had "the effect of mitigating rather than aggravating the legal existence of slavery in that republic?" Certainly not; but on the contrary, according to Mr. Kennedy, it has had precisely the opposite effect. The Anti-Slavery Society, ever faithful to the cause in which they have embarked, put forth the following caution to emigrants : 66 EMIGRATION TO TEXAS. "All persons inclined to emigrate to Texas, are earnestly recommended, well and seriously to consider the provisions of the Texan law in relation to emigrants. "The grants of land to emigrants are only made on condition of permanent residence, the performance of all duties required of other citizens, for the term of three years, to the satisfaction of those in power!!-they must be ready to bear arms against the |