them, with their fleets and their armies now unemployed, to effect their purposes? How long, bloody, and destructive would be the struggle, should we attempt to assert the rights which, since the days of Monroe, we have claimed upon this continent, and which, but for the ignorant policy of the act of 1818, we would now peaceably and without violence possess! But for that act, Tehuantepec, Nicaragua, and perhaps all Central America would be now Americanized, advancing and prosperous under a liberal and stable form of government. In Cuba the tyrant-flag of blood and gold would have given place to the tri-color of independence, or to the starry and more glorious banner that floats "o'er the, land of the free and the home of the brave." The bayonets of Spain, with the war-ships of France and England, could not have supported in that lovely island an unrelenting despotism, had not the private American aid invoked by the patriots of Cuba been cut off by the stringent application of this law. An able editorial of the "Union," under date of March 11th, 1855, truly says:

The well-known fact that Spain is indebted to the United States for the continuance of her dominion in Cuba, so far from inclining her to be grateful or even just, has only made her more arrogant and insensible to reason or liberality. But for the neutrality laws of the United States, which are far more strict than those of any other government, Cuba would at this moment have been at least independent, if not annexed to this confederation, had such been its desire. The government of the United States was the great instrument that arrested what in a few months would have been an invasion that no power in or out of Cuba could have resisted. The government of the United States preserved Cuba to Spain," etc.

Who will say that liberal civil institutions, borne over our borders by the energy of freemen, and planted in the misruled countries around us, would not have promoted civilization, and added to the sum of human happiness? What American patriot, who appreciates the beneficent results to our country which might have flowed from such sources, by not only securing our safety, but also many incalculable commercial advantages, does not deeply regret the false policy that manacles our hands, while those of our rivals are unconfined? The monarchies of Europe are annexing to their dominions vast territories in Asia, Africa, Australasia, and the islands of the South Sca. They take away the liberties of the conquered people, and establish arbitrary colonial governments, without regard to the opinions of the governed. We carry to the annexed free representative systems, and unite them with us as equals. The oligarchs oppress and impoverish their possessions; yet the false sentiment of the world styles them philanthropists, and fastens on us the name of "filibusters." Let us accept the word. As the term "rebel" in Ireland designates the patriot, so let the term "filibuster" designate the bold, fearless man of thought and action in America.

I have, Mr. Chairman, reflected much upon the subject of these neutrality laws, and I believe that of 1818 such a departure from the theory of our institutions as to be incapable of amendment. I therefore propose to repeal all its prominent features at once. When it shall come up for consideration, I shall either propose to return to tho

act of 1794, or present some proper bill to perform our absolute duties to other nations and no more.

I know that the public voice calls for some action on this subject. The true secret of national prosperity is progress. Understanding the value of free institutions, we can not but wish to extend them wherever the force of our example may penetrate. A social system like ours is most secure when its range is widest, and its influence is most extensively felt. We can afford to profit by the follies of the past; we can still more afford to profit by the prestige of our name. We are too dangerous an element in politics to be loved by the monarchical governments of the Old World. They tolerate us only because they can not crush us; it is upon our own continent, within and around us, that they seek to fan the flames of discord. By firmly establishing our influence upon this continent, we wrench away the last offensive weapon from their hands. Shall we now pause in our career? I, for one, will not be satisfied that our experiment of free institutions has been fully tested until it has gained the fairest portions of this continent for its field, and the noblest types of the white race for its supporters, When I look back to the past, I can form but one conjecture for the future; I rest in the faith that our favored country will steadily ascend through all the grades of her glorious destiny.

Letter from General Cazneau, referred to on Page 354. Washington, April 25th, 1856. DEAR GENERAL-Feeling, as every true citizen must, a deep interest in the vindication of the honor of my country, outraged by incessant acts of foreign aggression, I have heard with great satisfaction that you propose to arraign before Congress and the people that absurd contradiction to every independent principle of American policy, the neutrality act of 1818. That law, and the obsolete ideas on which it is founded, constitute the most efficient aid and support to European interference and dictation in American affairs,

Our country can never occupy its proper and honorable position among other nations while the freedom of our citizens is shackled by laws which seem made for the sole and exclusive benefit of foreign and unfriendly powers.

Among the many instances of European interference in American affairs, I wish to call your attention to one in which I have it in my power to place before you the most undeniable evidence of a direct and insulting attack on the freedom and dignity of our inter-American relations,

The Dominican republic had repeatedly and earnestly solicited the attention of the United States to its peculiar situation. It is the only territory in all that grand circle of islands which inclose the Caribbean Sea, and command our isthmus routes to the Pacific, under an independent American flag.

Of all that one hundred thousand square miles of tropical wealth, with their three and a half millions of inhabitants, the Dominican republic is the only free white and republican government; all the rest of the West India empire is European and Af⚫rican. The Dominicans alone have achieved by their unassisted courage an independent, constitutional, and American existence. Their central and commanding poeltion, their splendid harbors and inexhaustible natural resources, offer great and peculiar advantages to our commerce, and it was manifestly our interest to encourage the prosperity and independence of this American state.

In pursuance of this just and enlightened policy, I was commissioned by President Pierce, in June, 1854, to negotiate a treaty with the Dominican republic; and, after encountering many difficulties, through the intrigues and false representations of the French and English agents-who notoriously make common cause with the negroes of Hayti against the whites-the terms were fully agreed upon, and the 8th of September, 1854, named for the final signature of the treaty.

Meantime, an allied squadron had been sent for by these agents, and, sustained by its presence before the Dominican capital, Sir Robert H. Schomburgh, acting, as he declared, under the directions of Lord Clarendon, warned the Dominican government

that it could not be permitted to enter into treaty relations with "such a suspicious and dangerous power as the United States without the previous knowledge and sanction of France and England." If the Dominicans resisted this dictation, they were threatened with a Haytien invasion. Under the specious title of "the mediating powers," France and England always hold the negroes in readiness to be let slip like bloodhounds on the whites at the east end of Hayti, if they prove at any time refrac tory to European policy.

The pretext for this forcible and high-handed dictation in our inter-American negetiation was that the treaty contained some encouragement for the establishment of steam-lines, and provided for a suitable naval and coal dépôt in the admirable Bay of Samana. This is the natural and invaluable point of intersection for our lines of trade with South America and Africa, as well as Central America and the West Indies. It is to the Caribbean Sea, and the outlets of our isthmus routes, what Cuba is to the Gulf of Mexico and the mouth of the Mississippi. These European powers would not permit this American state to enjoy the advantages which nature has lavished upon it, and, at their interference and command, Samana remains a closed port to our citizens.

So many other American interests were at stake, that it seemed advisable to waive the question of a coal dépôt, in order to deprive France and England of every excuse for combining with nyil to attack the Dominican territory. Besides, to confess tho whole truth, I hand in view the necessity of bringing out and obtaining conclusive proof of the character and extent of theso European encroachments. Actuated by these considerations, and the critical position of the Dominican republic, the article respecting a dépôt at Samana was omitted in the second convention.

The treaty, thus modified, was signed by all the plenipotentiaries October 5th, after every clause and article had received the full concurrence of the Dominican executive. It secured perfect liberty of conscience and worship to our citizens, and the most complete right to acquire, hold, and bequeath all kinds of property in the Dominican republic.

It reciprocally guaranteed all advantages of trade, travel, and residence by the most favored nations, and it particularly recognized and established the important principle-without which no American treaty ought to receive the seal of the United States that the flag covers the goods, and prohibits arbitrary search on the high sens. Perhaps it was this last and truly American principle which provoked the displeasure of England, who seems to persist in her title of "mistress of the scns" even on our American consta.

After the promulgation of the treaty with the United States the French and British consuls called an allied squadron for the second time before the Dominican capital to overawe that government and prevent its ratification. The unfortunate Dominicans had no alternative but obedience, and the convention with the United States was sacrificed in the mode dictated by the agents of France and England.

These agents even went farther, and demanded, as the price of their mediation with Hayti, that the Dominican government should stipulate, as a permanent bar to the establishment of American steam-lines and dépôts, and the introduction of American settlers on Dominican soil

"Not to permit any government to found or occupy any dépôts or factories of any kind on the Dominican territory; not to tolerate the landing on the said territory of parties of emigrants armed or unarmed," etc.

Such privileges had been previously conceded and secured to European companies by special grants, and these prohibitions were expressly aimed at Americans.

I can not severely blame the Dominican government for receding from its engagements with the United States, with the evidence I had before me that it was under stringent European duress. I have the evidence of this interference at command, and also of the protection afforded by the French and British consuls to the negro conspirators, who had planned the general massacre of the white authorities, and there is no doubt that the British consul was an active accomplice in the plot.

The Dominican journals which advocated the American treaty were suppressed, and the editors were obliged to leave the country at the direct instance of the European agents, who, in all their aggressions on American rights, publicly avowed they werecarrying out the wishes of their respective governments.

For this whole class of encroachments there is but one available answer: suspend the neutrality laws until the encroaching powers shall give ample security for future non-interference, or so modify them as to allow our citizens the same advantages in defending that unfriendly powers have in attacking American interests. The people will be with you in your efforts to open a new and noble era in our foreign policy; and firmly trusting in your triumphant success, I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, WILLIAM L. CAZNEAU.

I.

AN ADDRESS ON THE OCCASION OF THE SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF THE PALMETTO ASSOCIATION: DELIVERED IN COLUMBIA, S. C., TUESDAY, MAY 4TH, 1858, BY JOHN A. QUITMAN, OF MISSISSIPPI. COMRADES,-Upon your cordial invitation I have come from the busy scenes of political action to participate with you in reviving the memory of other days. Notwithstanding the glorious recollections which crowd on my memory when standing among the remnant of the Palmetto Regiment, I can not at once divest myself of the gloomy reflections left on my mind by the political scenes in which I have so lately mingled; the result of which must end in the dishonor, degradation, and vassalage of the South, unless averted by her determined will and bold action.

Deeply as these reflections weigh upon my mind, I will endeavor for a time to forget them in the emotions to which this interesting occasion gives rise.

I assumed the general command of the Palmetto Regiment amid the bursting of bombs and the roar of artillery on the burning sands of Vera Cruz. Throughout its brilliant campaign in Mexico, I shared, to some extent, its dangers and its honors, and at the close of the campaign left it occupying the imperial palaces of the Montezumas, to the fall of which it had so conspicuously contributed. Thus associated with the regiment during one of the most brilliant campaigns recorded in military history, it will be expected, upon this reunion, that I should at least present a brief sketch of its operations. Could I have had an opportunity of preparing this address in my own library, surrounded by the reports, orders, and official papers connected with the regiment, I might have attempted the interesting task with better prospect of success; but, cut off from these more reliable data, I must throw myself on your indulgence for presenting merely some reminiscences, furnished from my unaided memory, of the honorable career of the Palmetto Regiment, trusting that yet some pious son of South Carolina may perform the task of adding to her history a glorious page which reflects upon her and her sons so much honor and credit.

The war with Mexico was distinguished from other wars in which we have been engaged. It was our first war of invasion. It is true that, in the war with Great Britain, there were several incursions made into the enemy's territory for temporary objects, but no regular invasion was contemplated or carried into execution. It was, again, the first war in which a volunteer force was mainly relied on for its prosecution. This peculiar description of military force may almost be said to have originated in the war with Mexico. Before it was planned by legislation or reduced into system, it spontaneously sprang into existence from the military spirit of our people, and presented itself to our astonished statesmen ready to be moulded into the most formidable material of war. Scarcely had it proclaimed that the government would receive into service a limited number of volunteers,

than more than three hundred thousand men, organized into regiments, battalions, and companies, from all parts of the country, but especially from the Southern and Western States, eagerly pressed the tender of their services. This novel spectacle astonished Europe. Her statesmen had long before been compelled to acknowledge, in the rapid growth and development of our country, the adaptation of our free institutions to the peaceful pursuits of life; but they still urged that they were not suited to a state of war, and that the weakness of our system would be manifested whenever we should be called on to prosecute an aggressive war. They had no idea that soldiers could be procured from any other motive than that of pay; and it was only when it became manifest in this case, from the class of men who volunteered, that the great mass of them could not have been influenced by mercenary motives, that they found they had overlooked entirely important clements in our system, and that it was as well adapted to a stato of war as of peaco. The aptitudo with which theso troops acquired drill and attained discipline, and especially their prowess in battle, are still the wonder and admiration of the military

critics of other nations.

This clement of military strength is peculiarly American. It exists among no other people, and may be regarded as a never-failing resource in all emergencies.

The State of South Carolina, although remote from the theatre of war, although not disturbed by the restless spirit of adventure which forms so distinguishing a trait of character in the pioneer population of now states, yet was as thoroughly imbued with the military spirit of a froo and gallant peoplo. Dosirous of omulating the chivalry of their sires, her sons demanded a place in the volunteer line for their own Palmetto Flag. They were accepted and received into the service of the United States some time in the fall of 1846, under the then act of Congress authorizing the President to call for twelve-months volunteers; but shortly afterward the government changed its policy, and determined not to receive volunteers for a shorter time than during the war.

Influenced by patriotism, and by a high sense of state and personal honor, the regiment, officers and men, consented to the change of engagement, and in December were regularly mustered into the service for "during the war."

In the mean time they had passed through the very important process of organization and the selection of their officers. The result, so essential to the efficiency, the character, and the fame of the regiment, was the election of Pierce M. Butler, colonel; J. P. Dickinson, lieutenant colonel; and A. H. Gladden, major. It was the good fortune of South Carolina, and especially of the Palmetto Regiment, that at this interesting period the services of such a man as Colonel Pierce Butler were available. He possessed every qualification required for this important charge. Having held the high position of governor, and fulfilled its duties to the satisfaction of the people, his reputation was cooxtensivo with the state; with much military experience, both in the regular and volunteer service, he was known and distinguished for his gallant and chivalrous spirit, and the winning graces of his personal manners. Never have I known a commander appear to