the Southern States, to meet in convention, in order to unite in the demand which Mississippi had already made for new safeguards for the future. My fears are, that such a convention, in being too easily satisfied, might inflict an irreparable injury on the South. As an individual, I advocate an eternal separation from the North. A majority of the states, however, or of the people of your state or of this, would probably be content with the erection of other and more formidable barriers against Congressional usurpation and Northern fanaticism. Additional constitutional provisions would take several years to be made. In the mean while, the excitement of the public mind might be so entirely subdued as to pass by unnoticed all apparently unimportant infractions of the new compact. We now live under an anti-slavery government, whose will, openly hostile to the institutions of the South, is expressed at all times by a majority. What security can such a government give to the endangered party? None whatever.

The character and extent of the opposition in this state will, I apprehend, be fully known in a month or two. Of thirty papers, two in Charleston, one in Columbia, and one in Greenville (the last a submission paper), are against the secession cause. On the 28th of June, Col. Ervin, commanding United States troops at Fort Moultric, Sullivan's Island, refused to allow the Moultrio Guards to celebrate their anniversary at their usual place -the battery of the fort-because he could not permit language like that expressed by the orator at the last anniversary to be repeated in his hearing. This seemingly little matter involves a great principle, which, the moro it is examined, the greater will be its effects on the public mind. It has already induced many of the wavering to declare for early action by the state."

The relations between the rival candidates for governor had been always friendly. In the senatorial contest Foote had defended Quitman against the assaults of M'Nutt, and in the subsequent ballotings, on the failure of Quitman's chances, his friends in the Legislature had voted for Foote. During the war a correspondence of

a confidential nature had passed between them. It was apparent, however, at the outset, that these relations of amity and courtesy could not be maintained. Quitman's friends, in letters that he carefully preserved, complained that he was too tame, too abstract, and not sufficiently severe on the tergiversations of his adversary. They demanded that he should be crushed with personalities, but Quitman never yielded to the demand. His habitual gravity, his personal dignity, the stern and deep convictions that occupied his mind, rendered him incapable of such a warfare. His speeches were arguments that might have been regarded as cold, but for the earnestness that gave them vitality and warmth. Gen. Foote, on the other hand, has a style and manner that may be called provoking. He has a diarrhea of words; irony and satire are his favorite weapons, and, when driven from his position into a corner, ho has a plausibility of fensive to a plain-dealing, matter-of-fact man. Quitman would fight as long as he believed himself to be right, but no longer. Foote will fight for the pleasure of fighting. Quitman stood square upon his platform, and would debaté no other issues. Foote wriggled around it, and employed his powers to tantalize and provoke. IIe had, beyond doubt, great personal respect for Quitman, but his tactics were indispensable to his success. IIo gave the cue to his followers, and taught them to evade the true issues, while boldly challenging discussion. He adopted Danton's maxim, "De l'audace, de l'audace, toujours de l'audace." And while Quitman stood as firm as Dentatus, Footo played the part sometimes of Suchet the tactician, and sometimes of Murat leading his squadrons to the charge. Gen. Foote gradually, as the canvass progressed, became more heated and personal, declaiminga bout traitors and treason, and other innuendoes, too much for the forbearance of his adversary.

Quitman, on the other hand, brought forward specifications against Foote:

"1st. For advocating, planning, and urging the admission of California as a sovereign state with an anti-slavery proviso in her Constitution, and thus aiding to pass the Wilmot Proviso in another form.

"2d. For advocating and supporting the dismemberment of Texas, by which 60,000 square miles of slave territory were virtually converted to free soil.

"3d. For encouraging and supporting the bill to suppress the slave-trade in the District of Columbia, consenting thereby to affix a brand of opprobrium upon the purchase and sale of slaves, and admitting the right of Congress conditionally to abolish slavery in the dis

trict.

"4th. For abandoning and opposing the assumed position of the state, and setting up a new platform for himself.

"5th. For disregarding and disobeying the instructions of the Legislature which he himself had called for. "6th. For combining with Clay and others to establish a new party to perpetuate the wrongs inflicted by the Compromise.

"7th. For undertaking, by so-called compromise, to barter away some of the constitutional rights of his constituents without even sufficient equivalents.

"8th. For assailing Southern States and Southern men, and apologizing for the hostile action of some of the Northern States on the subject of slavery.

"9th. For disrespectful allusions, while senator, to the Legislature of his state.

10th. For assailing those who are opposed to the Compromise in this state as disunionists and factionists.

"11th. For deserting the party which placed him in position and counseling with and co-operating with Clay, Webster, and Fillmore.

"12th. For receiving a nomination from the Whigs of this state.

"13th. For holding on to his place as senator after accepting the nomination for governor.

"14th. For violently assailing the governor of his state VOL. II.-G

for acting upon opinions which he himself had formally

communicated.

"15th. For misrepresenting the opinion and sentiments of the people of Mississippi on the subject of the slave question.

"16th. For voting with the Abolitionists against striking out the first section of the bill to suppress the slavetrade.

"17th. For failing to insist upon extending the Missouri Compromise line."

The exciting canvass between these gentlemen terminated in a personal rencontre, in the county of Panolo, on the 18th of July, which both parties lived to regret.

1851. On the first Monday in September the election took place throughout the state for delegates to the Convention, as authorized by the Legislature. A very large majority of "Union" delegates was returned. As soon as this extraordinary result was ascertained, Gov. Quitman, mortified by an expression of public sentiment so wholly unexpected, felt that he could no longer, with due regard to his own dignity and position, be a candidate for office. He issued the following address:

"To the Democratic State-rights Party of Mississippi.

"The result of the recent election for the Convention, however brought about, must be regarded, at least for the present, as decisive of the position of the state on the great issues involved.

"The majority have declared that they are content with the late aggressive measures of Congress, and opposed to any remedial action by the state.

"Although this determination of the people is at variance with my fixed opinion of the true policy of the state, heretofore expressed and still conscientiously entertained, yet, as a state-rights man and a Democrat, I bow in respectful submission to the apparent will of the people.

"It is true the state has not yet spoken authoritatively; even the acts of the Convention will not be binding until they shall have been ratified by a vote of the peo

ple; but by the election of Non-resisters to the Convention, a majority of the people have declared against the course of policy on the slavery questions which I deemed it my duty to pursue while governor, and against the principles upon which I was nominated, and upon which alone I had consented to run as a candidate. I might, perhaps, be elected notwithstanding this demonstration of public sentiment in the election for the Convention, but as I have been mainly instrumental in seeking the expression of the will of the people through a Convention, I ought, in my political action, to abide by it.

"Therefore, upon full consideration of all the circumstances, respect for the apparent decision of the people, duty to the noble and patriotic party who are struggling to maintain the rights of the South against Northern ag gression, and to preserve our institutions from the fatal effects of consolidating all power in the federal government, and a sense of self-respect which inclines me not to seck a public station in which my opinions upon vital questions are not sustained by a majority of my constit uents, all concur in inducing me to the opinion that my duty requires me to retire from the position which I occupy as the Democratic State-rights candidate for governor. With emotions of the deepest gratitude to the patriotic party by which I was nominated for the evidences of their unfaltering confidence, both in the nomination and in the warm and hearty reception with which I have been met every where in the canvass, I tender my resignation of the high and honorable post of their chief standard-bearer in the pending canvass, pledging myself to them and to the country that I will, to the last, servo the great causo of State Rights as faithfully in the ranks. as I havo endeavored to do in high position. "J. A. QUITMAN.

"Monmouth, Sept. 6th, 1851."