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stances to apply the match. He dragged down the hoary monster LEGITIMACY, surrounded by the household traditions of ages, and cast it among the despised things of earth. He fell, but the lesson of his life survived, and again France had it in her power to be free, and to emancipate Europe. She consented to a throne for a Bourbon, when a republic might have been established in defiance of the doted and quaking monarchies around her. Franco might then have become a vast intrenchment bristling with bayonets. I’oland would have vaulted into the saddle. Spain would have posted herself on the Pyrenees and shouted for freedom. The heartyearnings of Germany would have sprung into armor— those yearnings for freedom that stir the soul in her lit. erature—that shine out from the depths of her transcendentalism—that lurk in her theological controversies, and glow with supernatural lustro from the broken sword of Korner | But, alas! the French preferred a citizen king, who cast aside the silver lilies to obtain power, and then tarnished the tri-color by becoming the ally of England in a crusade against liberal principles. -The republic that followed his expulsion was a republic only in name. France is now ruled by the imperial sword, England by an aristocracy. Neither are fit allies for us. We are a free people; and we should express our sympathy for the oppressed, and assume, in this hemisphere, the attitude of control that becomes a republic. Shall we “hido our light under a bushcl” instead of diffusing its radiance over benighted nations? Shall wo waste the “talent” committed to our care? Must we not “love our neighbor as ourself,” and extend to him the blessings we enjoy 2 Are not nations the instruments of Providence? Have they a mission? What
higher commission can we have than to resist the introduction of foreign influence and systems on this continent, and extend and establish our own 2 Had this been boldly executed when our standard was planted on the capitol of Mexico, or when Cuba implored our assistance, we should have acquitted ourselves of a great debt incurred by our fathers when they accepted assistance; and this great republic, instead of exhausting its energies over its own dissensions, would now stand before the world united and impregnable. We proceed upon the thcory that the condition of a republic is repose. What an error! That is the normal condition of absolutism. The law of a republic is progress. Its nature is aggressive. It is founded on the conflagration of ancient and polluted things, and it must have play and action on surrounding nations, 9r, like Saturn, devour its own offspring. Rossuth's idea of the “solidarity” or unity of nations, is neither historical or practical. Nor, if practical, would such a condition be desirable. Even a united church would cease to be evangelical, and become corrupt. Our true policy is entire isolation as to our own sovereignty, and a fearless and controlling exercise of power over contiguous governments. We are deficient, as yet, in nationality. War is not to be dreaded when it develops this sentiment. Make the republic as national as some of the older countrics of Europe, and it would have little to fear from its enemies. Nationality alone has arrested the march of the conqueror when all other efforts had failed. When associated with republican institutions the moral force of a nation is invincible. Tho ancient republics enacted prodigies. Their soldiers fought not for their own glory, but for the glory of Greece and Rome. “I am a Roman citizen,” was the proudest boast of antiquity. Venice, in her era of independence, flaunted her flag over two continents. The Dutch republic wielded the trident of the seas. The commonwealth of England domineered over Europe. The French republic shook the dynasties of a thousand years. What, then, is there to dread, so long as we are true to ourselves, if we see fit to extend the power and the principles of the republic? Other governments may feebly object, and their objections can be satisfactorily answered. Should they prefer war, what would be its ef. fect but to develop our internal resources, and consolidate American nationality? In a struggle of ten years, with due allowance for the vicissitudes of war, we should become richer and more powerful, while they would stagger under the burden of their own debts.” What have we to fear, that we should truckle to all the world, and quarrel for their amusement, instead of pursuing our natural instinct for expansion? Why shut our ears to the appeals of humanity and stifle a sympathy we inherited with our blood? Boldly administered, the republic is invincible. Our commerce, our mighty rivers and lakes, our mountains and prairies, are the nurses of enterprise. We occupy a country, not, like the tropics, producing food without labor, and therefore a redundant and effeminate population, nor, like the arctic regions, supporting a sparse and apathetic people, icebound as their climate, and incapable of emotion, but a latitude where labor is essential to production, and production is the sure reward of labor; where the faculties are neither emasculated or deadened by the extremes of temperature; where the physical conditions of nurture,
* The Walcheren expedition alone, which begun and failed in six weeks, just across the Channel, besides thousands of lives and a great loss of reputation, cost the British people #20,000,000, and added £1,000,000 a year in perpetuity to the national taxes.—Edinburgh Iteview, April, 1860, p. 212.
diet, education, and the institutions of government are all most favorable to development and power. Why, then, should we regulate our policy by the views of European cabinets, or play the part of subordinates when we should be dictators in the affairs of this hemisphere? “One battle for liberty,” says Bulwer, “quickens and exalts that proud and emulous spirit, from which are called forth the civilization and the arts that liberty should produce, more rapidly than centuries of repose.” We are in the restless period of youth; the law of the age is progress; let our flag be given to the winds, and our principles go with it wherever it is unfurled. Conquest is essential to our internal repose. War sometimes becomes the best security for peace.
- CHAPTER XVI.
Effects of the Compromise in Mississippi.-Reorganization of Partics.-Union Party.—Southern Rights Party.—Foote nominated for Governor.—Influence and Patronage of the Federal Government.—Mr. Webster.—Letter from Judge Clayton.—Quitman's Position.—South Carolina Correspondence. – Renominated for Governor.—Contrast between Quitman and Foote.—Their Canvass. —Rupture.—Success of the Unionists.-Declension of Quitman. 1851. The prosecution against General Quitman, as we have seen, was abandoned, but the government had, in part, accomplished its purpose. It had hauled down the flag of Mississippi from her capitol, and forced her chief magistrate to resign, though it had not the power to arrest a fugitive slave in the city of Boston. It could not enforce the provisions of the Compromise, and negro thieves and assassins defied its authority. But it could exclude the citizens of Charleston from Fort Moultrie, consecrated by the blood of their ancestors, because their expressions on the fourth of July exhibited more devotion to Carolina than reverence for the national government. When Quitman returned home he found the compromise measures, recently enacted by Congress, the great issue of the day. On the 30th of November, 1850, an act had been passed by the Legislature, apparently with the approbation of a great majority of the community, providing for a convention of the people of Mississippi, to consider the state of our federal relations and the remedies to be applied. It solemnly recited the evils complained of as destructive of our domestic institu