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was apparently so well informed and faithful. We had flattered ourselves that we had a tolerable acquaintance with the happy and estimable sequestered shepherds of the Alps, their government, characters, and habits: but M. ZSCHOKKE has Convinced us that we had many additional important particulars to learn, and which his candid and authentic pages impart to us. If, in his details, the Alpine tribes be exhibited as mere human beings, sharing in the imperfections of their species; if the imagination be less gratified and enthusiasm less excited than in other representations; the figures are more within nature, the eye dwells longer on them, and the solid if less intense pleasures inseparable from the exhibitions of truth are felt. The picture still calls forth admiration; and we see that flattering artists have not drawn too strongly the features of heroism, patriotism, and genuine simplicity, which characterize the descendants of William Tell. The early struggles of these petty tribes for liberty and independence, the miracles of bravery which wrought their infant freedom, their long undisturbed possession of that first blessing, and their final ill-fated undeserved lot, will interest the curious and the feeling bosom as long as any of the most precious memorials of history shall live.

The first part of this volume ably and accurately sketches the history of Switzerland, from the earliest times to its recent subjugation. The following passage strongly impresses on the mind the tendency, which has long discovered itself in the European states, to diminish in number, and to increase in

extent:

• Helvetia, heretofore surrounded by petty states, had now great powers for her neighbours. To the east, where formerly a Duke of Austria governed without danger to her; and to the south, where she had seen a Duke of Milan humbly implore her protection; at this time bore sway the sceptre of one sole monarch, whose domains extended from the borders of the Rhine and the shores of the Adri atic, to the deserts of Tartary. The French monarchy, bounded by the Jura, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, had ingulphed the state of Burgundy, and was equally formidable to Europe by the prowess of its arms and the ascendancy of its manners. The Duke of Savoy wore a royal crown, and the German Empire, more consolidated, had acquired strength to which it had before been a stranger.'

These observations, applied to the commencement of the eighteenth century, are still more characteristic of the situation" of things at the entrance of the nineteenth.

Tradition states that, in early times, the Cantons of Unterwalden and Schwitz had only one priest between them. Certain it is that the love of liberty, inherent in the breasts of the

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inhabitants of the little cantons, always set a limit to their sub jection to the church. They constantly maintained that ecclesiastical authority was to be confined to what related to a future life; and they never would yield to it the least portion of the civil sovereignty, which they asserted belonged to them alone. They insisted on these principles in very remote times, in their contests with the convent of Einsidlen: they often sided with excommunicated emperors; and while the church launched against them the same formidable thunder, they calmly commanded their priests to continue their functions.

The author thus distinguishes the several Helvetic tribes :The native of Uri is a tranquil character, while that of Unterwalden is melancholy; and the Schwitzer surpasses his neighbours in strength, vivacity, and cheerfulness; he is a passionate lover of dancing, an amusement which mixes itself with all his festivals. Carnivals, and holidays full of active rejoicings, prevailed among this simple people.

The inhabitants of the Waldstaeten, or the forest cantons, blended religion with their public events; chapels were erected on the theatres of their victories; and annual processions were made to them, to commemorate the atchievements of their ancestors. Each district, and each state, had its guardian saint. In the minds of these rude shepherds, the noble deeds and the glory of their ancestors were associated with the religion which had been transmitted to them from the same progenitors; and they could not conceive it possible to abandon the latter, without tarnishing and effacing the traces of the former. Hence the people of the little cantons have always remained most devoted to the Roman church, and resisted most vigorously all attempts to introduce the reformation among them. The author affirms that, from the epoch of the establishment of their liberty to their subjugation, they had made no advance in mental culture, nor in refinement of manners: but he speaks highly of their natural sense, and of their knowlege of their own history. He lays before us the arcana of their administration; and with pain we learn that the corruption, so much lamented in richer and more powerful states, stalked along in the forest cantons even with a bolder front. With surprize, also, we read that the governments of the dependent states, called bailliages, were put to sale in full assembly, and allotted to the highest bidder. The place of Landamann, or chief of the canton, was virtually bought; as were that of his deputy and those of the counsellors of state. In the month of May, each peasant was accustomed to procure a new straw hat; and, by long usage, it came to be considered as a present which the Landamann was obliged to make. In consequence

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of frequent attempts to abolish this degrading custom, it was solemnly decreed by the sovereign people of Schwitz, in the year 1680, "that whoever should oppose this usage in future should forfeit one hundred crowns, and be deprived of the rights of citizenship." Though the government was perfectly democratic, the places of trust and emolument were confined to a few families of better condition, distinguished among the people themselves by the title of Messieurs. These families, and the clergy, found it their interest to keep the people in ignorance, to confirm their superstition, and to rivet their prejudices: hence the French Revolution found in these two parties most inveterate adversaries; and while the aristrocratic cantons were divided by the enemies and the partis ins of that great event, the smaller cantons breathed only one sentiment on the subject, that of decided abhorrence,

M. ZSCHOKKE is of opinion that states must resemble each other in the structure of their governments, before confidence and cordiality can subsist between them. To this persuasion, he ascribes the attempts of the French Republic to introduce constitutions formed on its own model, into the states which border on it; and he supposes that it was in pursuance of this maxim, that she resolved to revolutionize Switzerland. The dissatisfaction which had long shewn itself in some of the dependencies of the cantons, deriving force and countenance from the revolution of France; the animosity between the people and the privileged orders in the aristrocratic states; the disposition, which became universal in all the subject districts, to insist on having their political rights restored to them; the weak band which united the cantons together; and their divided interests and views; rendered it easy to atchieve the conquest of that country, which, in different circumstances, it would have been utterly impossible to subdue.

As the fatal and ill-judged conduct of Berne towards its subjects of the Pays de Vaud, its unstable councils, its distracted measures, and its inglorious and tragic downfall, have already, been often detailed, we shall pass over the present author's account of them. The peaceful inhabitants of the Alpine districts, though secretly detesting the transactions which were passing in France, had long accustomed themselves to speak circumspectly of their powerful neighbours, and to manifest towards them a respectful and civil demeanour; and, relying on their inoffensive prudent conduct, on their courage, their fortresses, and their poverty, they were strangers to all apprehensions of invasion. it was not till the month of December, 1797, therefore, that the communications of Zurich and Berne roused them from their dreams of security. Their behaviour to the aristrocratic

aristocratic cantons was worthy of the descendants of William Tell: they exerted themselves to restore tranquillity in the interior of those distracted states; they hastened to share in their external dangers; and they exhorted these governments to concede to the demands of their subjects, and to strengthen them. selves by union.

While deputies from Schwitz and Unterwalden were la bouring to heal the breaches between Berne and its bailliages, the dependencies of the former applied to it to be released from subjection; some to be allowed (as la Marche) to form independent sister states; and others to be admitted to the rights of citizenship: but the advice which they had so earnestly and wisely imparted to Berne and Zurich, they found the utmost difficulty in exemplifying by practice; and they absolutely held out against the demands of their subjects, till the armies of France were on the point of entering their territories. Schwitz, besides sharing with more or fewer of the other cantons in the sovereignty of numerous dependent districts, was the sole sovereign of the bourg of Kusnacht, of the valley of Enisidlen, or Notre Dame des Hermites, of several villages on the lake of Zurich, and of la Marche, the beautiful district intersected by the river Aa.

Though the little cantons saw Berne, Fribourg, and Soleure, fall into the hands of France; yet they suffered themselves to be lulled into security by the hypocritical protestations of French agents, who declared that it was not the intention of the Directory to interfere with the government of the Democratic Cantons. The proclamation of General Brune, calling on the people of Helvetia to send deputies to Arau, in order to form a republic one and indivisible, dispelled the illusion, and threw the inhabitants of the forest cantons into all the agonies of despair. In this awful crisis, they prove themselves worthy of their fore fathers: they resolve on resistance, and frame memorials replete with frankness, wisdom, and powerful rea soning. They thus address the Directory:

"We cannot find expressions strong enough to paint to you the consternation which the intelligence respecting the new constitution occasioned among us. It is impossible that we should make you sensible of the grief which we felt. Nothing, in our eyes, can be compared to the misfortune of losing the constitution which our ancestors founded, which is adapted to our manners and necessities; and which has secured to us, during many ages, that share of comfort and happiness of which our peaceful valleys are susceptible.

"If it be possible that you meditate changes in our popular governments, permit us to address you in the language of frankness and of liberty: Allow us to ask, have you found any thing in our constitution hostile to the principles of your own? Where will

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you discover a form of goverment that places sovereignty more com pletely in the people than our own? Where is civil and political equality more perfect? Where do citizens enjoy a greater sum of liberty? We bear no other chains but the light chains of religion and morality; we submit to no yoke but such as laws of our own formation impose. In other states, the people may be very differently cir cumstanced in these respects: but among us, the descendants of William Tell, who have preserved, without the least alteration, the constitution which he left to us, and for the preservation of which we now invoke you with all the energy which the conviction of pleading the most just of causes can inspire; among us, but one wish is breathed, that of remaining subject to the government which Providence and the courage of our ancestors have bestowed on us.”

The addresses from which we have made the above extract were never presented, because the French Generals and agents. refused the necessary passports to the Swiss deputies; and therefore the devoted cantons had no alternative but that of a degrading blind submission, or a recourse to arms. Here the evil genius of federal government again shewed itself; and, had not opposite views, jarring interests, the absence of union, and the want of consolidation, interfered, the French General and his followers would have found their graves at the feet of the lofty Alps.

The new constitution published by the assembly at Arau became an apple of discord; some of the confederates adopted' it, others deserted the common standard from fear, and others' left it in order to defend their immediate possessions. Uri was lukewarm, relying on its insurmountable barriers; and to Schwitz, and part of the Unterwalden, was left the glory of asserting the honour of their descent, and of falling bravely in the field for national independence and freedom.

Abandoned by those who ought to have made a common cause with them, overcome by the superior numbers, and baffled by the superior skill of their enemies, and surrounded every where by their powerful foes, when the last ray of hope had vanished, this was the language in the ranks: "What now remains for us to do, but to die the glorious death of our ancestors?" In this awful emergency, the enthusiasm of the people was at its highest pitch. The old men and the children wished to share in the glory of falling with their liberties. Matrons and young women assisted in drawing the cannon along the most rough and inaccessible roads; they were almost all furnished with arms; and the cowards, who sought to escape danger, were forced to join the banners which they had deserted. The men, unshaken and unruffled, like the rocks on which they stood, courageously waited the occasions of sacrificing themselves to their country. Skirting the verdant heights of Morgarten, the

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