tion. These circumstances, superadded to the considerations which have been alleged above, will sufficiently explain the causes of my having paid so much attention to the subject.

On the return of public tranquillity, when the speculative opinions of individuals no longer menaced the state with civil convul. sions, I did hope, and I had a right to hope, that the old good-nature of the country (to use a beautiful expression of Lord Clarendon) would have returned with it; that, instead of mutual irritation, all orders of men would have seen the folly of keeping alive the embers of past dissensions, and have conspired together to promote the common welfare of our country. I cannot bring myself to believe it possible for any well-wisher of his country to think differently from me on this point. There are those, however, who entertain an opposite judgment from mine respecting the means by which such ends are to be accomplished. It is necessary I should state, as a leading motive for the delivery of these Lectures, that it has been thought proper by those, who are entrusted with the power, to deny me for the present, and for an indefinite period, the privilege of exercising that profession to which, I think, I have some just claims. During the suspense, therefore, which may follow that determination, or before I ultimately embark in another branch of the profession to which, in the event of a positive rejection, I must be compelled to resort for the support of my family; and in order that expensive years of preparation may not be altogether thrown away, I have been incited and encouraged by those whose rank and character would give a sanction to any undertaking, to make public the fruits of those labours, in which I engaged under expectations that may never be realized.'

It belongs not to our court to give judgment on the circumstance to which Mr. Yorke alludes, and we presume not to decide how far it may be right to exclude him from practising as a Barrister but on his literary character we are required, in the line of our duty, to offer an opinion; and this sentiment must be in his favour. He has in this Prospectus opened a most interesting field of inquiry; and he has prefaced it with observations which evince deep reflection, and nice discrimination. A comparative view of the several States of Europe, in which are explained their different genius and character respecting morals, governments, and manners, would form a very amusing and instructive publication; and for such a work this author appears to be well qualified.

Our readers may judge from the following extracts:

In the course of my lectures, I shall often have occasion to bear ample testimony to the lustre of our constitution, and to display, in a conspicuous light, its comparative superiority over the brightest models of national policy. But in reviewing the political systems of other countries, let us never be forgetful that they also have their peculiar advantages, which, though we may disregard them, are essentially connected with their existence and felicity; let us remem

ber,

ber, that we are indebted to some of them for many happy discoveries in science, and for many useful improvements in the discipline of war, and the milder arts of peace. To their public lawyers and historians, to their able statesmen and civilians, to their theologians and philosophers, we are obliged for the investigation of matters most important to the interests of mankind. It was in Germany, that the power of reason effectually broke the fetters in which the sordid and jealous ambition of superstitious knaves had riveted, for centuries, the human intellect. It was in Germany, amidst the contentions and struggles incidental to so great a revolution, that the generous doctrines of public freedom flowed from the pen of Althusius; and that toleration, supported by prowess, wrenched from the hand of bigotry the ensanguined dagger of persecution. Lastly, it was in the woods of Germany, that the most recondite antiquaries of Britain have penetrated, in order to explore the origin of that beautiful system of government, which their posterity now enjoy.'

Deeming it absolutely requisite to review the past, before he takes notices of the great and momentous events with which the new century opens, Mr. Yorke thus glances at the distinguishing features of the five which preceded it:

Since the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks, every century has been fertile in great and unexampled changes. To that event is ascribed the revival of letters among the Western nations. The next century beheld the rapid change in the religion and the political system of a considerable part of Europe. The new dogmas of the reformers supported on one side, and opposed on the other, with all the zeal which the interests of religion, well or ill understood, are apt to inspire, impelled alike their partizans and adversaries to extend their intellectual pursuits. Quickened by this great motive, emulation enlarged the sphere of human knowledge; and its light, long concealed beneath the clouds of error and confu sion, blazed forth even on subjects which seemed most foreign from those disputes. In the seventeenth century, a new system of philosophy was founded, which, though persecuted at first with great acrimony, was afterwards embraced with superstitious avidity, and at length reduced to those principles only, which were just and true. Lastly, the eighteenth century has witnessed revolutions in government, laws, manners, religion, and states, of which there is no example in the annals of the human race.'

In ascribing the revival of letters in the West to the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks, writers assign a cause which in itself is very inadequate to the effect. It is not probable that letters would have been much cultivated, and real knowlege diffused, had it not been for the invention of printing. As copies of books could not be multiplied to any very considerable degree by mere transcription, the great mass of every people must have been enveloped in ignorance; and in that state they probably would have remained, had not this im

portant art been devised. The conquest of Constantinople would then have been no more propitious to the literature of Europe in general, than it has been to that of Constantinople itself; which, not having profited by the discovery, still continués a magnificent monument of barbarism.

Most pathetically does the present writer lament the defects of history; and he strenuously endeavours to counteract those false and dazzling lights, by which the judgment of mankind is so commonly led astray in the perusal of historical records :

Unfortunately, the exposition of the order of social life and civil policy cannot be circumstantially extracted from the general relations of history. Inquiries of this sort are seldom attended to by historians. They prefer what is brilliant to what is useful, and dwell with raptures on the conduct of generals, the valour of armies, and the consequences of victory and defcat. And while they describe and embellish the politics of princes and the fortunes of nations, the splendid qualities of eminent men, and the lustre of heroic actions, they neglect all disquisitions into laws and manners, as unworthy of remark, or incapable of ornament. Antiquaries have displayed much critical and laborious investigation, but the spirit of customs and of laws has also escaped their penetration. They often throw together their materials without arrangement, they are often unable to reason from them, and, forgetting that the human mind advances progressively, they ascribe to rude ages the ideas and sentiments of their own times. These are all impediments in the way of political examination, and they have, besides, the fatal tendency of obliterating for a time our sense of moral duty and the true interests of nations. Neither are these descriptions the most entertaining portions of historical narration. Scenes of carnage, though dressed in the pomp of words, may dazzle the eyes for a while, but they cannot ultimately fix the attention of mankind. Doth not the ingenious scholar, who has enlarged and enlightened the faculties of the human mind; the inventive artist, who has increased the comforts and conveniencies of human life; the adventurous merchant or mariner, who has discovered unknown countries, and opened new sources of trade and wealth; deserve a place in the annals of his country, and in the grateful remembrance of posterity; equally with the good Prince, the wise Politician, or the victorious General? Can we form just ideas of the characters and circumstances of our ancestors, by viewing them only in the flames of civil and religious discord, or in the fields of blood and slaughter; without ever attending to their conduct and condi tion, in the more permanent and peaceful scenes of social life? Have we no curiosity to know, at what time, by what degrees, and by whose means, mankind have been enriched with the treasures of learning, political wisdom, arts and commerce? It is impossible. Such curiosity is natural, laudable, and useful; and it is hoped, that this attempt to gratify it, will be received by the public with some degree of favour.'

In the last place, Mr. Yorke purposes to consider Man as he is, and to avoid speculative topics and abstract reasoning.

The

The work may be regarded as a declaration of the author's present political sentiments, and as proving that he entertains none which are inimical to the British Constitution.

ART. VII. The History of Guildford, the County. Town of Surrey. Containing its antient and present State, Civil and Ecclesiastical; collected from public Records, and other Authorities. With some Account of the Country three Miles round. 8vo. pp. 340. 12s. 6d. Boards. Longman, &c. 1801...

THE

HE compilers of topographical publications have usually endeavoured to compensate by their splendor for their general dullness: but the anonymous history before us has not this recommendation. We have Here no pleasing engravings, either of antient or modern edifices, to make us amends for a long list of the Mayors of Guildford, continued through many pages, or other similar particulars, which must be as dull reading to the major part of his Majesty's loving subjects, as an auctioneer's catalogue of a past sale.

Guildford is not universally allowed to be the sole countytown of Surrey, for we understand that Kingston, of which the charter is more antient, claims at least a participation of this honour: but it is admitted by all travellers to be the most beautifully situated. Of the town, some picturesque views have at different times been taken; and the castle, St. Katharine's Chapel, with other objects in its vicinity, have also invited the pencil of artists: but, so far from having embellishments of this kind, the present work does not contain even a plan of the town, and we have only a copper-plate of such uninteresting objects as tradesmen's tokens.

The volume opens with a translated copy of the charter granted to the corporation of Guildford, by King Edward III., with the confirmation and renewal thereof by the Kings Richard II. and Henry VII.; after which we enter on its history and description, whence we shall transcribe the most material part:

Guildford (otherwise Guldeford, Guilford, Guildeford; or Gegldford,) is the county-town of Surrey; is neat, large, and well-built, twenty-nine miles to the south-west of London; it con

** It had been far greater than now it is, when the palace of our English kings was therein set. SPEED.

This town was held by king William I. in demesne; and we learn from Domesdei, that there were 75 hage, or houses, inhabited by 175 men able to bear arms, which shews it to have been at that time a place of considerable repute.

Salmon observes, that "the trade of inns for travellers, and shops to furnish the country with its fairs and market, must have made it then populous as the same do now, besides the clothing business"."

sists of good house, and is well-inhabited, having a market ef great resort, which is kept weekly on Saturdays, accounted as good as any in England for wheat, barley, and oats, and plentifully furnished with almost all other necessaries. There are also held two fairs, viz. on May 4, and November 22, for horses, cattle, sheep, and hogs.

Guildford is a corporation by prescription, had its first and second charters from Henry III. A. D. 1256, and others from Edward III., Richard II., and Henry VI. and VII., and renewed and confirmed in the twenty-fifth year of Q. Elizabeth.

The town is governed by a mayor, recorder, seven magistrates, and persons who have served the office of bailiff, by the name of approved men of Guildeford; who assemble and hold a court in their guildhall every three weeks, and are vested with power at their general sessions of judging criminals to transportation. By a grant of K. James I., the mayor, and recorder, and two of the magistrates, are annually chosen justices of the peace in and for the said corporation, and formerly the liberties of Stoke above bar; and the mayor continues in his commission the year after his mayoralty expires. By the second character of Henry III, in 1256, the county-court and assizes for Surrey are to be held here at all times for ever. The right hon. George lord Onslow and Cranley is lord lieutenant of the county, and high-steward of the borough; the right hon. William lord Grantley standing council, commonly called recorder.

The large and rich mace was presented to the mayor and ap proved men of Guldeford, by the right honourable Henry Howard of Norfolk, 1663, the then high-steward, hy the hands of Sir Richard Onslow, knight, but one of the then burgesses.

The smaller mace, two feet and a half in length silver gilt, has the arms of England and France incorporated, given by the gold chain, thus called, "A fayre chayne of gold, double linked, with a medall of massey gold; whereon his maiesties armes are curiously engraven." And on the reverse, the armes of Arthur Onslow esq. of West Clandon in the county of Surrey, high-steward, who gave it to the mayor and approved men of Guldeford, 3d March, 1673

The mayor's staff, ebony, with a silver top, the town arms engraven thereon, and this inscription round: "FAYRE GOD. DOE JUSTICE. LOVE THY BRETHER." Given by Q. Elizabeth.

There are two seals in use by the town, the greater and the lesser. The greater seal, which is the most modern of the two, is usually affixed to instruments and acts of a superior kind, and the inscription on it-round the town arms is-SIGILLUM BURGI ET VILLE DE GVLDEFORD. The lesser, and yet most ancient, is adapted to inferior uses, as writs, certificates, powers, &c. of a more temporary essence or less importance. Round the arms of the town is inscribed

-SIGILLVM BVRGI ET VILE DE GVLDFORD.

The TOWN PLATE. A bason and ewer, silver gilt, given by bishop Parkhurst. A silver stoup, and two silver cups, given by John Austen, 1620. A stoup gilt, given by Thomas Baker, 1584. This stoup new made 1602.

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