THE

MONTHLY REVIEW,

For MAY, 1802.

Art. I. The History of the Rebellion in the Year 1745. By John Home, Esq. 4to. pp. 420. 1. 18. Boards. Cadell jun. and Davies.

1802.

IT T is a circumstance somewhat remarkable, that more than half a century has elapsed without producing any regular history of a rebellion, which had so great an object in view as the restoration of the family of Stuart to the throne of England, and which at the time caused a general panic through both England. and Scotland. When we recollect, indeed, that the metropolis of one country was seized by the rebels, that the capital of the other felt a sensible alarm on their subsequent and near approach, and that in two engagements the undisciplined troops of the Pretender gained advantages over the regular regiments of the King, we cannot but express some surprize on being now, for the first time, called to notice a systematic narrative of these, ill-advised and ill-conducted measures.

Little doubt can be entertained respecting the authenticity of this history, since the author can say, with Eneas, in describing these transactions,

In those days, (he observes,) I carried arms, (though not a mili tary man by profession,) and, serving with the king's troops, underwent part of their adverse fortune; for I was taken prisoner at the battle of Falkirk, and during my captivity was an eye-witness of some memorable events, an account of which I committed to writing, whilst the facts were recent and fresh in my memory; and have taken no small pains, for many years, to procure authentic information of what I did not see, visiting every place which was the scene of any remarkable occurrence, and examining the accounts which I had collected of each battle, upon the field where it was fought, accompanied and assisted by persons who had been present upon every occasion, and sometimes principally concerned.

VOL. XXXVIII.

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Proceeding in this manner, I have finished a course of inquiry, which has enabled me to deduce, from its orgin to its final extinc tion, the history of the rebellion.'

Mr. Home has also been assisted with documents from official depositories. In the principles by which the author is actuated, we may feel a similar confidence; for, in speaking of the revolution, he says:

That memorable event, which took place in England and Scotland at the same time, forms a new epoch in the constitution of both nations for the great precedent of deposing one King, and soon after transferring the crown to another family, the nearest Protestant heir, but more remote than several Roman Catholic families, gave such an ascendant to popular principles, as puts the nature of the constitution beyond all controversy.

From the accession of James I. to the Revolution, (one short interval excepted), there had been a continued struggle between the King and the Parliament; during which, foreign affairs were either altogether neglected, or treated in such a manner as greatly lessened that weight which Britain ought to have in the scale of Europe: but the Revolution put a period to the hereditary succession of the Stuart line; and the settlement of the crown upon the Prince and Princess of Orange was accompanied with a Declaration of Rights, where all the points disputed between the King and the Parliament were finally determined, and the powers of the royal prerogative were more narrowly circumscribed, and more accurately defined,, than they had been in any former period of the Government.

To the Revolution it is owing, that the people of this island have ever since enjoyed the most perfect system of liberty that ever was known amongst mankind. To the Revolution it is owing, that at this moment, in the year 1801, Great Britain stands the bulwark of Europe; whilst her fleets and armies, in regions the most remote, defend the cause of Government and Order against Anarchy and Confusion.'

With much judgment, Mr. Home commences his work with an account of the Highlanders, states the extent and limits of their country, and gives an interesting (though rather too concise) view of their singular manners. Their attachment to the house of Stuart, and their readiness to join in every attempt to restore that family to the throne of its ancestors, he attributes to their spirit of clanship they were ignorant and careless of the disputes, both political and religious, which occasioned the civil war; and they considered Charles the First only in the light of an injured chief. We refer the reader to our 34th vol. N. S. p. 182. for a just and beautiful descrip tion of this peculiar people, as drawn by the masterly pencil of Mr. Belsham; and we shall proceed to extract the account of a sagacious proposal, which was made previously to the year 1745

by

by the President of the Court of Session, in order to reconcile them to the interests of government :

Of the danger that was likely to arise from the Highlanders, in case of a foreign war, government was warned by Duncan Forbes of Culloden, president of the court of session; who, at the same time, suggested a measure to prevent rebellion and insurrection in the Highlands, by engaging the Highlanders in the service of government. As there will be frequent occasion to mention this gentle. man, who, in the course of the rebellion, contributed so much to frustrate the designs of Charles, it seems proper to mention some circumstances, which are now known only to the few people still alive,

who remember him.

Duncan Forbes, born a younger brother, and bred to the law, had passed through the different offices of that profession, which usually lead to the chair, universally esteemed, and thought still worthy of a higher office than the one he held. When called to preside in the supreme court of justice in Scotland, he fully answered the expectations of his countrymen: his manners gave a lustre to the dignity of his station; and no president of the court of session was ever more respected and beloved. He was a Whig upon principle; that is, he thought the government established at the Revolution was the best form of government for the inhabitants of Britain. In the end of autumn, in the year 1738, he came to Lord Milton's house at Brunstane, one morning before breakfast. Lord Milton was surprised to see him at so early an hour, and asked what was the matter? A matter, replied the president, which I hope you will think of some importance. You know very well that I am, like you, a Whig; but I am also the neighbour and friend of the Highlanders; and intimately acquainted with most of their chiefs. For some time, I have been revolving in my mind different schemes for reconciling the Highlanders to government; now I think the time is come to bring forward a scheme, which, in my opinion, will certainly have that effect.

A war with Spain seems near at hand, which, it is probable, will soon be followed by a war with France; and there will be occasion for more troops than the present standing army: in that event, I propose that government should raise four or five regiments of Highlanders, appointing an English or Scottish officer of undoubted loyalty, to be colonel of each regiment; and naming the lieutenantcolonels, majors, captains, and subalterns, from this list in my hand, which comprehends all the chiefs and chieftains of the disaffected clans, who are the very persons whom France and Spain will call upon, in case of a war, to take arms for the Pretender. If govern. ment pre-engages the Highlanders in the manner 1 propose, they will not only serve well against the enemy abroad, but will be hostages for the good behaviour of their relations at home; and I am persuaded that it will be absolutely impossible to raise a rebellion in the Highlands. I have come here to shew you this plan, and to entreat, if you approve it, that you will recommend it to your friend

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Lord Ilay*, who, I am told, is to be here to-day or to-morrow, in his way to London.

I will, most certainly, (said Milton,) shew the plan to Lord Ilay; but I need not recommend it to him; for, if I am not much mistaken, it will recommend itself.

Next day, the Earl of lay came to Brunstane: Lord Milton shewed him the president's plan, with which he was extremely pleased, and carrying it to London with him, presented it to Sir Robert Walpole, who read the preamble, and said, at once, that it was the most sensible plan he had ever seen, and was surprized that no body had thought of it before.

He then ordered a cabinet council to be summoned, and laid the plan before them, expressing his approbation of it in the strongest terms, and recommending it as a measure which ought to be carried into execution immediately, in case of a war with Spain. Notwithstanding the minister's recommendation, every member of the council declared himself against the measure, assuring Sir Robert Walpole, that for his sake they could not possibly agree to it; that, if government should adopt the plan of the Scots judge, the patriots (for so the opposition was called) would exclaim that Sir Robert Walpole, who always signed to subvert the British constitution, was raising an army of Highlanders to join the standing army, and enslave the people of England. The plan was set aside; and, next year, Britain declared war against Spain ‡.'

Hostilities against Spain having been accordingly proclaimed, some of the most zealous Jacobites, thinking that a rupture with France would necessarily ensue, entered into an association in the following year; engaging themselves to take arms and venture their lives and fortunes to restore the family of Stuart, provided that the king of France would send over a body of troops to their assistance.' As the rebellion, which broke out in Scotland in the year 1745, was only a fragment of the original design, Mr. Home has judged it expedient to narrate the previous transactions, with the circumstances which occasioned their failure, and brought Charles Edward Stuart, the Pretender's son, to the Highlands, in the year 1745, without troops, arms, or money. After a dangerous voyage, in which he with great difficulty escaped being captured by an English

• * Archibald Earl of Ilay (who, in the year 1745, succeeded his brother John Duke of Argyll) was the friend of Sir Robert Walpole; and, during the long administration of that minister, had the management of the king's affairs in Scotland committed to him : Lord Milton, justice clerk, was subminister to Lord Ilay.'

This account of the president's plan, and of the reason for which it had been rejected, was given to the author of this history by Lord Milton.'

Britain declared war against Spain on the 23d of October, in the year 1739.'

man

man of war, Charles landed on the island of Erisca, the largest of a cluster of small rocky islands which lie off South Uist.

To

His attendants, giving out that he was a young Irish priest, conducted him to the house of the tacksman who rented all the small islands; of him they learned that Clanronald and his brother Boisdale were upon the Island of South Uist; that young Clanronald was at Moidart upon the main land. A messenger was immediately dispatched to Boisdale, who is said to have had great influence with his brother. Charles staid all night on the island Erisca, and, in the morning, returned to his ship. Boisdale came aboard soon after: Charles proposed that he should go with him to the main land, assist in engaging his nephew to take arms, and then go, as his ambassador, to Sir Alexander Macdonald and Macleod. every one of these proposals Boisdale gave a flat negative, declaring that he would do his utmost to prevent his brother and his nephew from engaging in so desperate an enterprise; assuring Charles, that it was needless to send anybody to Sky, for that he had seen Sir Alexander Macdonald and Macleod very lately, and was desired by them to acquaint him (if he should come to South Uist, in his way to the Highlands) that they were determined not to join him, unless he brought over with him a body of regular troops. Charles replied in the best manner he could; and ordering the ship to be unmoored, carried Boisdale (whose boat hung at the stern) several miles onward to the main land, pressing him to relent, and give a better answer. Boisdale was inexorable, and, getting into his boat, left Charles to pursue his course, which he did directly for the coast of Scotland; and coming to an anchor in the Bay of Lochnanuagh, between Moidart and Arisaig, sent a boat ashore with a letter to young Clanronald. In a very little time Clanronald, with his relation Kinloch Moidart, came aboard the Doutelle. Charles, almost reduced to despair in his interview with Boisdale, addressed the two Highlanders with great emotion, and summing up his arguments for taking arms, conjured them to assist their prince, their countryman, in his utmost need. Clanronald and his friend, though well inclined to the cause, positively refused; and told him (one after another) that to take arms without concert or support, was to pull down certain destruction on their own heads. Charles persisted, argued, and implored. During this conversation, the parties walked backwards and forwards upon the deck: a Highlander stood near them, armed at all points, as was then the fashion of his country: he was a younger brother of Kinloch Moidart, and had come off to the ship to inquire for news, not knowing who was aboard; when he gathered, from their discourse, that the stranger was the Prince of Wales: when he heard his chief and his brother refuse to take arms with their prince, his colour went and came, his eyes sparkled, he shifted his place, and grasped his sword. Charles observed his demeanour, and turning briskly towards him, called out, Will not you assist me? I will, I will, said Ranald; though no other man in the Highlands should draw a sword, I am ready to die for you.

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Charles,