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"must come into the courts of justice, make his · "appeal to the laws, and abide by the decision of

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a jury and the sentence of a judge. The mem"bers of the two Houses of Congress are, by the express letter of the constitution, exempted from "punishment, and even from prosecution, crimi"nal or civil, for whatever they may utter in their "places in the legislative chambers. This is "their lawful privilege; but, while they are thus "sheltered, to barricadoe themselves further, by a "criminal jurisdiction in their own cause, is an "assumption of power unknown to the law of the "land, a gross violation of every principle of civil "liberty, and an abuse, which no good man can "wish to see continued."

Such were the sentiments, not of the democrats, but of the best friends of the Federal Government, who thought, and very justly, that every attempt to exercise arbitrary power, however the proceeding might be fortified by precedents, would not fail to excite discontent. If the Senate wished to preserve their own dignity and influence, and the respect of those who may properly be called the people; if they wish to remain what they hitherto have been, the guardians of the American government and nation, they will never again attempt to exercise a power, the very possession of which must ever render them objects of hatred.

During this session, the democratic party moved a resolution for disbanding the twelve new regiments, which had been voted, and partly raised, on account of the rupture with France. This measure was, at first, opposed by the federalists; but, before the end of the session, the lower house passed a bill authorizing the President to disband the regiments, if he judged the measure prudent and necessary, during the approaching recess. This

bill amounted to a disbanding of the army; because it was well known, that Adams, who was now laying in a provision of popularity against the ensuing election for President, would issue orders for disbanding the moment the Congress adjourned. The Senate saw this very clearly, and resolved to defeat his project. When, therefore, the disbanding bill came before them, they amended it so as to name a day for its certain operation, and thereby deprive the office-hunting Adams of the merit which he expected to derive from the exercise of his judgment in the business.

A bill was brought in, during this session, for making officers and soldiers amenable to the law of arrests for debt, from the operation of which law they had been hitherto exempted by the acts in consequence of which they had been raised. The bill, now proposed, ran thus:

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"Be it enacted, &c. That if any person who "shall have enlisted, or hereafter may enlist, as a non-commissioned officer or private soldier, in "the service of the United States, shall, prior to "his enlistment, have been taken in execution, or "arrested for debt, or contract, and committed to prison, and at the time of his enlistment, as aforesaid, be holden in prison by virtue of said "execution or arrest, such person shall not be discharged from his imprisonment in consequence of his enlisting as aforesaid-and in case 66 any such person, arrested as aforesaid, and prior "to his enlistment, shall have given bail, and at "the time of his enlistment, his bail shall not have "been discharged in due course of law, it shall

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and may be lawful for the bail to take such mea"sures for his or their discharge, as he or they

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might have taken if the principal had not been "enlisted in the service of the United States:

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"and in case the principal shall be surrendered up by the bail, he shall be holden in like manner, "as if he had not been enlisted as aforesaid; any "law or laws to the contrary notwithstanding."

That any thing contrary to the law here proposed should have been tolerated in a country where the common law of England was in force, will astonish every one, who has imbibed just notions respecting property; and I beg every Englishman to compare the military law of the United States with that of England.

It was urged by the federal party, that the rescinding of the provision in favour of the army, would be a breach of the contract, which the government had made with those who composed that army," a great part of whom," said MR. OTIS, "have probably entered into the service for the

benefit of the provision now about to be re"scinded." This gentleman certainly spoke truth; but, as the truth is not to be spoken at all times, he might have suppressed it here; for, a truth more dishonourable to the army and the country could not have been promulgated by their most bitter enemy. The bill was lost by a great majority, and the army thus continued to be, what it hitherto had been, a sanctuary for fraudulent debtors.

Another bill was brought in respecting the army, the necessity of which bill ought never to have existed. Its object was to prevent the military from appearing in great bodies at elections, and from overawing the people, and influencing their votes. The scenes of this sort, daily exhibited in the United States, clearly proved that the notions of the people, respecting the "precious "elective franchise" were but very feeble and confused.

This session of Congress was, upon the whole, productive of benefit to the Union; for though the far greater part of the time was taken up in long discussions of unimportant subjects, the committees of the two houses applied themselves to an arrangement of the finances, which must have a lasting effect on the affairs of the nation. The faction opposed to the federal government endeavoured to excite a hatred against it, by constantly dwelling on the increase of the taxes and of the national debt. It was very true that both had increased; but the increase was fairly attributed to the faction, which had encouraged France to adopt those measures which had compelled the federal government to have recourse to armaments, naval and military.

The national debt, at the end of the session stood thus:

Dols. Cts.

Amount six per cent stock, &c. 28,246,042 96

1

Do. deferred

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Do. 1796

80,000

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The amount of the increase, as here stated, was said, by the federal secretary of the treasury, to exceed the reality; but GALLATIN, who has since published a history of the debt, has certainly proved the correctness of this statement. I do not like GALLATIN; he has always been of the French faction; but, in a question which admits of arithmetical demonstration, he is to be believed as well as another man.

The

The most unfavourable circumstance which presents itself as to this debt, is, that it has increased thus much during ten years of peace, notwithstanding the aid of numerous and heavy taxes. trade and commerce of the country have been loaded till they are ready to sink under the weight of the burden; an excise, a stamp act, a land tax, a house tax, a tax on slaves, and divers other direct imposts have been imposed, and have created discontents, which will always be ready to break out into open revolt.

When people speak of the national debt, and the expenses of government, in America, they forget that there are sixteen state governments, whose debt and expenses ought to be added to the account. And when they speak of the taxes in America, they never make any mention of the various taxes, direct and indirect, that these sixteen governments have imposed. The following report

of

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