the election to take place in the usual way. Should this be the case, these fifteen votes will be liable to be rejected by the Congress, and the consequences may be very serious.

The election for members of Congress and State Legislators had taken place, and the result had proved the increase of enmity to the Federal Government amazingly great. Districts, which only last year, gave a very great majority in favour of that Government, have this year given as great a majority against it. Even the city of Philadelphia itself, which, for several years past, has been decidedly in the Federal interest, has chosen a disaffected member of Congress.

"It was said that Mr. JAY, the governor of New-York, foreseeing that the legislature of that state would choose electors favourable to Mr. Jefferson, was resolved not to call a session, and thus deprive the state of its voice in the election. But, so bold, and, indeed, so unlawful a measure, is not to be expected from Mr. Jay, who, though he might prevent the election of Jefferson, would certainly stain his own character, and very probably plunge the country into an immediate civil war.

"COOPER of Manchester, had been released from prison, and, by way of recompence for his opposition to the Federal Government, had been promoted by the governor of Pennsylvania to the command of a regiment of militia; and a man of the name of FRIES, who had been pardoned for treason against the Federal Government, a few months before, had, by the same governor, been appointed a brigadier-general of militia! These are instances in which we perceive the glaring defects of the American constitution. Each state, from its being an independent sovereignty, is, except by mere chance, eternally at war with the general Government.

Thus

Thus has it always been, and thus it will ever be, while the present constitution lasts.

"The principal charge brought against Mr. ADAMS is, his having been attached to monarchy, and having actually conceived the plan of introducing that form of government into the United States. We are sincerely persuaded that this charge is false, but that circumstance is no obstacle to its being believed by the deluded people. To support the accusation, the most shameful means have been resorted to. His theoretical writings, his private letters, and his private conversations for years past, have been published in all manner of ways, and with comments the most uncandid. He has been betrayed by scores of persons, bound to him by every tie that can be supposed capable of restraining an inclination to injure his interest or his fame.— To the long catalogue of his false friends, the last papers have added the famous bleeding physician Dr. RUSH, on whom he had bestowed a lucrative sinecure, and who, foreseeing his approaching fall, is stated to have furnished "proofs of monarchism.” In case this Number of THE PORCUPINE should ever fall into the hands of Mr. ADAMS, we beg leave to remind him, that he received timely warning respecting this treacherous hypocrite; that, he was told, that the day would come, when he would repent of having bestowed his confidence and the public money on Dr. RUSH.

"But, what effect will the result of this important election have on the connexion between Âmerica and Great-Britain? No immediate effect, unless a convulsion should be the consequence of disputed votes. The new President, though chosen in November, does not enter on his office till the ensuing March; and, therefore, no compact, of any sort,. can be entered into with our enemies before the month of October, or thereabouts. Mr. Jefferson,

should

should he be elected, will then have a Senate to check him; and, as he and his party will dread that separation, for which the Northern States are already ripe, it is probable that they will endeavour to conciliate instead of pushing matters to extremity. The Convention with France will have an effect very different from that which BONAPARTE and The Morning Chronicle anticipate with so much exultation. The people of America will not tranquilly put up with the loss of twenty-five millions of dollars, nor will the contemptuous insolence of the French, which the new Convention will bring among them, tend to make them bear that loss with better temper. The Northern Confederacy, if it should actually produce hostilities, will find no aid from the Americans, who will, on the contrary, take advantage of it to enrich themselves at the expense of Russia and Sweden. The late revolt too, amongst the negroes of Virginia and North Carolina, will make JEEFERSON and his party very cautious how they do any act which may stir the sleeping embers of that alarming fire, which, were it once rekindled, would probably make all the Southern States what Hispaniola now is, and fill the chair of JEFFERSON with a negro successor."

"We have this day received letters and papers from America, down to the 2d of November.The election of President had not, of course, taken place; but the Congress was upon the point of meeting, and Mr. ADAMS (the President) had arrived at Philadelphia, in his way from Massachusets to the city of Washington.

"We have frequently had occasion to regret the shameful conduct of the political disputants in America; and it is not without great concern, that we now communicate to our readers the

shocking

shocking proofs of what we have hitherto wished to disbelieve.

"It will be recollected, that Mr. JOHN ADAMS (the present President of the United States) was Ambassador at the Court of London from the year 1785 to the year 1788, when, the date of his commission having expired, he returned home to America. While he was in England he had with him, as his Secretary of Legation, his son-in-law, WILLIAM SMITH. Mr. ADAMS left SMITH behind him in London, with the hope of prevailing on General Washington and the Senate, to appoint him Ambassador in his stead. No Ambassador was appointed till the year 1792, when, notwithstanding all the efforts of Mr. ADAMS, his son-in-law was rejected, and the place was filled with Mr. THOMAS PINCKNEY, the predecessor of Mr. KING.

"Mr. ADAMS, mortified at the preference of the PINCKNEYS, missed no opportunity of showing his jealousy and hatred of that family. He had, during the years 1791 and 1792, been drawn into an intimacy with one TENCH COXE, who was, at that time, a commissioner of the revenue. Coxe, who does not want for cunning, flattered the old man's prejudices, and, by degrees, became his confidant. Just before Mr. THOMAS PINCKNEY departed for England, CoxE wrote Mr. ADAMS a letter, expressing a wish, that the new Ambassador could receive a lesson or two from him previous to his sailing. To this letter Mr. ADAMS gave the following answer:

" Quincey, May 1792.

"DEAR SIR, "The first thing I have to communicate to you must be an explanation of the date of my letter. The legislature of Massachusets last winter, upon a petition of the North Parish, in Braintree, separated it from the rest of the town, erected it into a new one, and gave it the name of Quincy. By this measure you see they have deprived me of my title of "Duke

of

of Braintree," and made it necessary that my friends should write me in future as an inhabitant of Quincy. So much for this brimborion.

"Something that interests me much more is your obliging letter of the 12th of this month.

"I should have been happy to have seen Mr. Pinckney, before his departure, but more from individual curiosity, than from any opinion that I could have given him any information of importance to him. If he has the talent of searching hearts, he will not be long at a loss; if he has not, no information of mine can give it him.

"The Duke of Leeds once inquired of me, very kindly, after his class-mates at Westminster school, the two Mr. Pinckneys, which induces me to conclude, that our new ambassador has many powerful old friends in England. Whether this is a recommendation of him, for the office or not, I have other reasons to believe that his family have bad their eyes fixed upon the embassy to St. James's for many years, even before I was sent there; and that they contributed to limit the duration of my commission to three years, in order to make way for themselves to succeed me. I wish they may find as much honour and pleasure in it as they expected, and that the public may derive from it dignity and utility. But knowing as I do, the long intrigue, and suspecting as I do, much British influence in the appointment, were I in any executive department, I should take the liberty to keep a vigilant eye upon them.

"Accept my thanks for your reflections on the state of the union which I have read with all the pleasure which the intelligence, information, accuracy, and elegance of the remarks on Lord Sheffield inspired.

"There is one secret which you must be careful to keep, manufactures must have good government. They cannot exist where they are without it, much less can they be introduced where they are not. But a great part of the people of America appear to be so determined to have no government at all, that if you let them know the whole truth, you will excite an unmanageable party against manufactures. Manufactures cannot much less thrive, without honour, fidelity, punctuality, public and private faith, a sacred respect to property, and the moral obligations of promises and contracts, virtues and habits which never did, and never will generally prevail in any populous nation, without a decisive, as well as an intelligent and honest government. The science of political economy is but a late study, and is not yet generally understood among us. Though I have read most of the authors of reputation, on the subject, both among the French and the English, I pretend not to have digested any thing relative to it, with the precision of a master. But to me it appears, that the general interest of agriculture in particular, as well as of the nation in general,