This motion elicited considerable discussion, many contending that it infringed upon the principles of non-intervention by Congress.

Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, attached the following provis

ion:

"Provided That the right of suffrage and of holding office shall be exercised only by citizens of the United States."

Mr. Chase then proposed to strike out the second section and insert a provision for dividing the territory into election precincts, appointing places of election, etc., so that the people could choose their own Governor and Legislators. But the motion was defeated by 30 nays to 10 yeas.

The bill on coming from the Committee of the Whole was concurred in' by the Senate.

In the House Mr. Richardson, of Illinois, Chairman of the Committee on Territories, reported a bill' for organizing Nebraska and Kansas Territories, similar to that reported in the Senate by Mr. Douglas.

This bill was referred to the Committee of the Whole ou the state of the Union, which was regarded as equivalent to its rejection. No further action was taken upon it until the 8th of May, when other bills on the calendar were laid aside and it taken up; whereupon Mr. Richardson offered the Senate bill as a substitute. An effort was made on the 11th to have the debate upon the subject close on the following day at 12 o'clock M., which occasioned a violent and protracted session of thirty-six hours. It was afterwards fixed that the debate should close on the 20th of May. During the discussion which followed, various attempts were made to insert a clause in the bill giving to the people of the territory the right to prohibit slavery therein through their appropriate representatives if they saw fit. On the 22nd of May, Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, made a skillful parliamentary move

1, March 3.

2 Jan, 31.

ment by which the bill was quickly forced through. He moved that the enacting words of the bill be stricken out, which has precedence of all motions to amend, and is regarded as equivalent to the rejection of a measure. The vote upon this motion was immediately pressed, which resulted in 103 ayes and 22 noes; many of its opponents refusing to vote. Thereupon the Committe arose and reported its action to the House which refused to concur in the amendment, striking out the enacting clause. Mr. Richardson then moved an amendment by which all after the enacting clause was stricken out and in lieu thereof introduced the Senate bill (except Mr. Clayton's amendment) and demanded the previous question. The amendment was accordingly passed; the bill engrossed, read a third time and adopted by 113 yeas to 100 nays. The Congressional Globe says:

"[The announcement of the vote was received with prolonged clapping of hands, both in the House ad Galleries and cries of "Order! Order!"]

"The Speaker-Unless order is preserved, the Chair will order the galleries to be cleared."

"Mr. Stuart of Michigan-(in his seat), The trouble is not in the galleries."

This bill passed the House as an original bill of that body, and was sent to the Senate for concurrence. An unsuccessful attempt was now made to reinsert Mr. Clayton's amendment excluding foreigners from certain civil privileges. In the course of the debate which ensued Senator Atchison, of Missouri, said:

"Mr. President, I voted for the amendment of the Senate bill proposed by the Senator from Delaware, but I must say now that I concur with the Senator from Georgia. I have not, however, changed my opinion, which I entertained then, that none but American citizens, native-born or naturalized, should be entitled to the right of suffrage or hold office either in the States or Territories of this country. But, Sir, there is a higher principle involved in this measure. There is no

constitutional question in my opinion involved in voting either for or against this amendment. It is a mere question of policy and that question of policy I am willing to yield for the sake of a higher principle entertained in this bill. Sir, I would vote for this bill, although there might be not only one, but one thousand obnoxious principles contained in it. I would vote for it because it blots out that infamous,-yes, sir, I think it a proper term to use-that infamous restriction passed by the Congress of 1820, commonly called the Missouri Compromise, passed when the State which I now in part have the honor to represent, asked admission into the Union of these States, and it was made a condition, an infamous condition, that slavery should be excluded from all the territory acquired from France, then called Louisiana, north of 36° 30' north latitude. Yes, Sir, if this bill contained one thousand obnoxious priniples, with the repeal of that infamous Compromise,' as it is called, I should vote for it. When this is done we shall have achieved what, after thirty years of struggle, has only been consummated at this session."

This exhibits the feeling with which slavery propagandists regarded the Missouri Compromise-a restriction which they had solemnly and voluntarily applied to slavery themselves in order that they might gain other ends. But after they had secured all the advantages of these concessions on the part of of Free Labor, they break down the barrier of plighted faith and demand all that they had of their own accord surrendered up.

The bill which passed the Senate on the 25th and received the signature of the President on the 30th of May, 1854, will be found in the following chapter:

It is very evident that the scheme of organizing two terriries instead of one, was designed to keep up the balance of power between the northern and southern States. The latter who saw that no reasonable objection could be interposed sooner or later against the organization of Nebraska, which must necessarily be a free Territory, determined, in order to preserve the equilibrium of power, to divide it into two ter

ritories, one of which would, as necessarily, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, come into the Union as a Slave State. That this was the real design and understanding of those who originated and supported the Nebraska-Kansas Bill is fully shown by what followed.

CHAPTER VII.

AN ACT TO ORGANIZE THE TERRITORY OF KANSAS.

SECTION 19. And be it further enacted, That all that part of the territory of the United States included within the following limits, except such portions thereof as are hereinafter expressly exempted from the operations of this act, to wit beginning at a point on the western boundary of the State of Missouri, where the thirty-seventh parallel of north latitude crosses the same; thence west on said parallel to the eastern boundary of New Mexico; thence north on said boundary to latitude thirty-eight; thence following said boundary westward to the east boundary of the Territory of Utah, on the summit of the Rocky Mountains; thence northward on said summit to the fortieth parallel of latitude; thence east on said parallel to the western boundary of the State of Missouri; thence south with the western boundary of said State, to the place of beginning, be, and the same is hereby created into a temporary government by the name of the Territory of Kansas, and when admitted as a State or States, the said Territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission; Provided, That nothing in this act contained, shall be construed to inhibit the government of the United States from dividing said Territory into two or more Territories, in such manner and at such times as Congress shall deem convenient