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about the same spirit as quoted above. The stipulations of the treaty effected between the parties there for the pacification of difficulties were, that the civil organization of Bourbon county and the townships therein should be perfected; that all past offenses against the laws should be referred to the grand juries; that both parties should refrain from prosecutions and vexatious arrests for petty and imaginary offenses; that they pledge themselves to do all in their power to bring offenders to justice, by having them arrested for offenses hereafter committed, and for all others upon which indictments should or might be found, by a legally constituted grand jury; that all questions growing out of claim titles should be referred to the legal tribunals for settlement; that the troops should be withdrawn from Fort Scott at an early day.

Although not so stated in the treaty, it was the distinct understanding that "by-gones should be by-gones," and that no arrests should be made for past offenses, and that a free state Marshal should be appointed in that district. This was the solemn pledge of the Governor, made at Raysville, upon which Montgomery and his men retired to their homes, and which were termed the "Secret Articles." But the peace thus established proved of short duration, as will soon appear.

Although the object of this Convention was peace, still, when the Jayhawkers and Border Ruffians were thus brought together, it came near breaking up in a general fight.

Governor Ransom, instead of seeking to quiet the fury of passion and advising conciliation in his speech, began to arraign the Jayhawkers before the Convention as robbers and assassins, whereupon Judge Wright called him to order. Words not polite to ears refined passed between them, and they rushed towards each other. Friends interfered however, and prevented a display of their pugilistic powers upon the stage. Had they clenched, doubtless the fight would have become general.

CHAPTER XLVII.

POLITICAL PARTIES.

From the first advent of Governor Walker political elements had been undergoing a change. The two great and hostile parties which had fought the battles of '55 and '56, began to disintegrate and divide, as an immediate consequence of the new policy of the Governor and, for a time, of the administration.

The scheme of Walker for settling the vexed question in Kansas was a move of the conservative wing of the Democratic party, endorsed by Douglas and his followers, to avert what they really believed would be the final result of forcing the Lecompton Constitution upon the people. It was at that time evident and incontrovertable that slavery could not be fastened upon Kansas by fair means and equally plain that the use of unfair means to effect this object would be attended with civil war and a disruption of the Federal Government.

The policy of Governor Walker contemplated the abandonment of the attempt to make Kansas a slave State; and, instead thereof, to so shape and mould political elements in the Territory as to make it a Democratic State. The motto of Governor Walker was, "Yield justice to Kansas in order to save the Union, annex Cuba and make slave States out of the South-western Indian Territory, to secure the final triumph of slavery." Says he to the President:

"The extremists are trying your nerves and mine, but what can they say when the convention submits the cnsti tution to the people and the vote is given by them? But we must have a slave State out of the South-western Indian Territory, and then a calm will follow; Cuba be acquired with the acquiescence of the North, and your administration having in reality settled the slavery question, will be regarded in all time to come as a resigning and resealing the Constitution." "Cuba! Cuba! (and Porto Rico, if possible), should be the countersign of your administration, and it will close in a blaze of glory."

Governor Walker, upon his arrival in the Territory, at once applied himself to break up the two great Territorial parties, and gather together all the Democrats he could into one organization. With this end in view, he prepared his inaugural, which took the ground that climate forever precluded slavery from Kansas, and hence, it was folly to continue the contest about a matter already settled by the unalterable laws of nature. The mass of the pro-slavery party, who never had been pecuniarly interested in making Kansas a slave State, readily abandoned the contest and became the followers of Walker. The more rabid, however, and ultra, who did not care a fig for the Union, and who were in constant communication with the traitors at Washington, soon became bitter opponents of the Governor, and favored forcing slavery upon the new State by injustice and fraud, regardless of the consequences.

This is a very important point, not only in the history of Kansas as making the beginning of the overthrow of slavery in the Territory, but also in the history of our common country, in clearly revealing the designs of subverting the Union by the slave propagandists, who pressed the Lecompton measure, all the more zealous, as it tended to involve the whole country in war and destroy the general Government. We shall have occasion to notice with what pertinacity they urged the measure in Congress when we reach that period of time.

The pro-slavery party in Kansas, almost en mass, at first manifested a disposition to fall in with Governor Walker's plan, even the most rabid remaining quiet though not altogether relishing his views. At the convention, held on the 3d of July, 1867, at Lecompton, the policy of Walker was endorsed, and a resolution to sustain the constitution, whether submitted to the people, or not, was tabled by a vote of 41 yeas, to 1 nay.

But as quick as the Lecompton scheme was manufactured at Washington and transmitted to the Territory, the radical pro-slavery men became loud in their denunciations of the Governor, as is shown by the convention on the 7th of December, whose action we have before narrated. It was then that this scheme of forcing slavery upon the people by fraud was clerely developed. This faction remained inconsiderable, as shown by their vote for State officers and, after the defeat of their darling project, affiliated with the Demo

crats.

Political factions seldom survive a war of their own waging. The free state party, which had presented such a solid and unbroken front to its adversaries, and so victoriously repelled armed invasion and aggression, that stood so united and firm against the combined forces of legislation, force and Federal authority, was not an exception to this rule, but perished in the hour of triumph. Disintegration in it can be traced to the time when Governor Walker declared that the October election should be conducted fairly and justly, not under Territorial legislation but under the act of Congress, organizing the Territory. Though a division of opinion arose, with regard to contesting certain elections, still it preserved itself almost intact until after the October and January elections, which it carried with strong majorities.

The cause of division among the free state men was not in the ends to be attained; for all desired to make Kansas a free State; but it was in regard to the best means for ac

complishing that result. A few had held, from the time the question was first raised, that it was too humiliating, and inconsistent with former resolutions and acts, to recognize in any way the Territorial authority. Others admitted that it was humiliating, but believed that by taking possession of the Territorial Legislature, they would disarm their enemies, and could turn their effective battery upon them; that success was what they sought, and hence were willing to humble themselves that they might be exalted; that having taken possession of the Territorial Government, they would more likely and easily accomplish the object of the Topeka State organization.

When the Territorial Legislature met at Lawrence strong efforts were made by the firm adherents to the State movement to prevail upon that body to remove legal obstructions in the way of the full and practical establishment of the Topeka State Government, and to co-operate in upholding and maintaining it. But the Territorial Legislature, though strongly free state, declined to run the risk of supplanting itself—a legal body-by one not so recognized by the Federal Government.

The State Legislature adjourned, after remaining in session about ten days, with the understanding that it would re-assemble at Topeka on the 4th of March, then and there to complete and perfect the State Government, if the Territorial Legislature should open up the way. But the Legislature had made different provisions, and public opinion. with reference to the Topeka Government had continued to change. It was now generally conceded that the Topeka Constitution was but a temporary expedient to afford a rallying point and shelter to free state men while contending against slavery and oppression; that the emergency for which it had been framed, was past, and it had better be abandoned, as a more regular and unobjectionable course could be pursued in order to attain the same object.

The Territorial Legislature, therefore, instead of putting

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