affecting not to notice him, passed on, and the person of Mr. McAllster interposed between him and his assailant. Sherrard followed, spitting after the Governor, at the same time uttering oaths and threats of defiance, his right hand firmly grasping one of the pistols in his belt. Failing to provoke the Governor to a difficulty in which he might have some pretense and nerve for shooting him, Sherrard finally abandoned the undertaking, and retired to boast of the insults he had heaped upon Mr. Geary's head.

A resolution, in the afternoon of the same day, was introduced in the House, highly condemning the conduct of Sherrard, instructing the Sergeant-at-Arms to bring him before the bar of the House to answer for the offense, and excluding him from the privileges of that body.

This created a perfect furore among the members. Joseph C. Anderson, from Missouri, declared "the Governor had no business in the halls of the Legislature, and that he should confine himself to his Executive office." Mr. Johnson said he knew the assault was to be made, but did not think it proper to interfere, it being none of his business. Such was the apparent opposition to the resolution, that the mover withdrew it. A milk-and-water resolution was finally passed, for mere effect, "to express the disapproval and maintain the dignity of the House," by a vote of 17 ayes to 11 nays. The Council took similar action.

Judge Cato, having come by request to the Governor's office for consultation in regard to Sherrard's conduct, appeared indifferent about the matter, and thought "such outrages beyond the pale of the law, there being no statute by which they could be punished." A warrant, however, was obtained for the arrest of Sherrard, and after remaining unobserved for two days a messenger was dispatched to Judge Cato, urging him to have it executed at once. This official was found in company with Sherrard and Jones, and when his attention was called to the matter, remarked that the Marshal was absent, and that it could not then be served.

The Governor, observing the indisposition to have the warrant executed, obtained and destroyed it.

The free state men, and the better class of pro-slavery men, were highly indignant at the conduct of Sherrard and those who upheld him. Meetings were held in various parts of the Territory, denouncing these indignities toward the Governor, and extending sympathy and assurances of co-operation in his laudable efforts to restore peace and tranquillity.

A meeting of this character was held at Lecompton on the 18th of February. Many threats had been made that it should never be held, and efforts were employed to prevail on the Governor to prevent its assembling. But the Governor replied that he knew not what would be the sentiments of the meeting, whether they would endorse or censure his actions, and that it would be highly reprehensible to prevent the people from peaceably assembling and passing judgment upon the action of their officers.

Nearly four hundred persons were in attendance, and the malcontents were there in the majority. A pro-slavery Chairman was elected and a pro-slavery Speaker took the stand, who in drunken gesticulations, denounced Governor Geary. The Committee soon presented a majority report of resolutions, in accordance with the pro-slavery sentiments of the meeting, but a minority of the Committee reported resolutions highly complimentary to the Governor, fully endorsing his conduct and extending to him their aid and sympathy, "in view of the recent personal assault upon our worthy Executive, for an act done in his official capacity, and fully justified by all the circumstances."

As quick as the reading of the latter series of resolutions was finished, Sherrard sprang upon a pile of boards and declared in a loud voice: "Any man who will dare to endorse these resolutions is a liar, a scoundrel and a coward." Mr. Shepherd, who stood in the midst of the crowd, remarked: "I endorse them, and am neither a liar, a scoundrel, nor a

coward!" "Whereupon Sherrard immediately drew his revolver, and fired all the loads as rapidly as he could pull the trigger, aiming at Shepherd, though endangering the lives of others. Three balls took effect on Shepherd, and a fourth slightly wounded another person. As soon as Sherrard commenced firing Shepherd pulled off his gloves and attempted to return the shots; but his caps being wet they burst without discharging the loads; and seeing that Sherrard was about drawing his other pistol, he dubbed his revolver, rushed toward Sherrard and struck at him with the butt, Sherrard not having an opportunity to fire, returning his blows in a similar manner. They were separated, and Shepherd was removed, severely, and it was supposed, mortally wounded."

"No sooner was Shepherd taken off than Sherrard seized his other pistol and advanced, with his finger on the trigger, towards John A. W. Jones, the young man whom he had assaulted a few days before, when Jones, perceiving his danger, also drew his revolver. Several shots were simultaneously fired, and Sherrard fell mortally wounded." Though it was difficult to tell who fired the fatal shot, "a hue and cry was raised to hang young Jones; but his friends were too numerous, and an attempt to have done so would have been attended with rather serious consequences." "The fall of Sherrard put an end to the riot. The rioters had lost their leader, and there was no one left

among them sufficiently bold and desperate to take his place; and to this fact they attributed the defeat of a well contrived scheme to again involve the community in destructive strife. This matter had long been in agitation, and Sherrard was the chosen instrument to accomplish the mischievous purpose. His fall put an end to the plot, and saved many a valuable life. He died early on the following Saturday morning, and his remains were removed to Winchester, Virginia." Jones, who killed Sherrard, was constantly threatened with being lynched, and a reward of five hundred dollars

was offered for his assassination. He appeared for examination before Judge Cato, who pronounced judgment against him before the first witness had finished his testimony, gave bail in the sum of five thousand dollars, and escaped from the Territory through Nebraska and Iowa.

On the same day the Legislature convened, a convention, first called to be held at Leavenworth but afterwards. changed to Lecompton, assembled at the latter place, which is distinguished for having changed the name of the proslavery party from the "Law and Order" to the "National Democratic Party of Kansas Territory." At the former session of the Legislature it was declared that such a step was fraught with more danger than any that had yet been agitated, and that they should "know but one issue-SLAVERY." When a primary convention at Tecumseh, which favored mutual conciliation, appointed delegates to this convention, and stated the object to be "to consult upon and propose a policy upon which the citizens of Kansas, without distinction of party, may unite for the preservation of peace and general conciliation," the "Squatter Sovereign," in commenting upon this subject, said: "We advise our Shawnee friends to hold another meeting' and appoint delegates to the pro-slavery convention, or their credentials may be rejected."

When the convention assembled, the first question that engaged its attention was by what name should it be called, as there was none given in the notice convening it. The cognomen "Law and Order" was first proposed, but was overruled by Dr. Stringfellow, who proposed that it be called the "Pro-slavery Convocation," and "offered a resolution which was almost unanimously carried, denying a seat in the meeting to any man who was not known to be absolutely in favor of making Kansas a slave State." Mr. L. J. Hampton came near being excluded from the convention by this resolution, from the fact that he had treated the free state prisoners with some humanity.

But imagine the surprise of the uninitiated when they heard Dr. Stringfellow, on the following day, make a motion that they call themselves the "National Democratic party, of Kansas Territory." He had not long since said that he would not labor for any measure unless it would embrace the interest of the pro-slavery party. But the matter was explained. The whole thing had doubtless been arranged at Washington before hand, and the plan had just been communicated. In no other way can the sudden change of this partisan be accounted for. They had certain objects to attain-certain requests to make of the administration, and while it might refuse them as the pro-slavery party, it dare not as the Democratic party. They had an "ax to grind," so they changed their name. The Cincinnati Platform was adopted and a committee appointed to prepare an address to the people of the United States.

The death of William P. Richardson occurred during the session of the Legislature. Respectful resolutions were passed, his seat draped in mourning, and the members agreed to wear a badge thirty days. He was Major-General of the northern division of Kansas militia, and took a prominent part in the affairs of the Territory. He introduced the resolution strongly censuring Sherrard for his conduct towards the Governor.

The Legislature refused to repeal or alter the slave laws, and became highly indignant at the Governor for suggesting such a thing. A great many paper towns, and many of the free state towns, as Lawrence and Topeka were chartered. Numerous roads were authorized to be laid out, and railroad companies incorporated.

The report of the Treasurer will show that $1,811.88 were received, and $1,809.50 expended during the year. The only source of revenue was poll tax. By the Auditor's report it will be seen that the indebtedness of the Territory amounted to $4,039.92.

The Lecompton Legislature clearly revealed to Governor