constitution, and the limitation of all such grants, as to the matter, manner, measure, and time, is only in them. "That it is the opinion of this House, that the many frivolous objections, which our governors have been advised from time to time to make to our money bills, were calculated with a view to embarrass and perplex the representatives of the people, to prevent their doing any thing effectual for the defence of their country, and thereby render them odious to their gracious sovereign, and to their fellow-subjects, both at home and abroad.

"That the proprietaries' increasing their restrictions upon the governor, beyond what they had ever done before, at a time when the province is invaded by the King's enemies, and barbarous tribes of Indians are ravaging the frontier settlements; and their forbidding the passing of any bills, whereby money may be raised for the defence of the inhabitants, unless those instructions are strictly complied with, is tyrannical, cruel, and oppressive, with regard to the people, and extremely injurious to the King's service; since, if the assembly should adhere to their rights, as they justly might, the whole province would be thrown into confusion, abandoned to the enemy, and lost to the crown.

"The House, therefore, reserving their rights in their full extent on all future occasions, and protesting against the proprietary instructions and prohibitions, do, nevertheless, in duty to the King and compassion for the suffering inhabitants of their distressed country, and in humble but full confidence of the justice of his Majesty and a British Parliament, wave their rights on this present occasion only; and do further resolve, that a new bill be brought in for granting a sum of money to the King's use, and that the same be made conformable to the said instructions."

By this new bill, both the sum and the time were reduced one half; that is to say, the sum to thirty thousand pounds, and the time for raising it, by excise, to ten years. The bill was immediately prepared and read, and the next day was sent up to the governor, who, on the 20th, condescended to signify, that he was ready to pass the same into a law, provided a clause therein, relating to the fines and forfeitures being paid into the treasury, was first struck out; which, on account of the present exigency of affairs, having been also agreed to by the House, the said bill was, on the 21st of September, passed accordingly into a law.

Under these circumstances, in this manner, and for these considerations, had Governor Denny the honor to extort this proprietary sacrifice from these honest, considerate, able, spirited men, who had stood in the gap for so many years, and who had never been driven out of it, if it had been possible for them to have saved their country and its constitution too.

To the cruelty of the conjuncture alone they gave way; not to any superiority of reason in their adversaries, nor through any failure of integrity or fortitude in themselves.

Of this, a sufficient testimonial remains still to be given, out of their minutes; wherein are to be found (and it is to be hoped will for ever remain) the remarks of the committee, by order of the House, on the proprietaries' instructions, already before the reader, which contain as full a vindication of themselves and their conduct, as is in the power of thoughts and words to express; and consequently as full an exposition of the claims and demands brought against them.

Too long, however, is this performance, to be given in the entire; more especially in the close of so long a narration; and too significant is it to admit of any

abridgment; to the Appendix, therefore, the reader must be referred, if he has a curiosity to see it; where it is lodged, as a requisite, without which neither his entertainment nor his information could be complete.*

It will suffice to say in this place, that it was unanimously approved of, and agreed to, by the House; and that the House was unanimous also in resolving, "that it was highly necessary, a remonstrance should be drawn up and sent home, setting forth the true state of Pennsylvania, and representing the pernicious consequences to the British interest, and to the inhabitants of that province, if, contrary to their charters and laws, they were to be governed by proprietary instructions."

The true state of Pennsylvania is now before us. It is apparent, the assemblies of that province have acted from the beginning on the defensive only. The defensive is what every man, by the right and law of nature, is entitled to. Jealousy is the first principle of defence; if men were not to suspect, they would rarely, if ever, be upon their guard. their guard. Magna Charta is apparently founded upon this principle; nay, provides, that opposition should be always at hand to confront and obviate danger. Penn, the founder of the colony, founded it upon Magna Charta; and, as we have seen, the birthrights of his followers were rather enlarged than diminished by his institutions. That the latter part of his active life, therefore, was employed in undermining his own foundations, only serves to excite our concern, that so few should be of a piece with themselves, and to make him answerable in part for the trespasses of his heirs.

* This document, entitled "Report of a Committee of the Assembly, September 23d," is omitted in the Appendix, for the reasons stated above, (p. 383,) where references to it may be found - EDITOR.

Fatally verified, however, we see, both there and everywhere else, the fable of the axe, which, having been gratified with as much wood only as would serve it for a handle, became immediately the instrument to hew down the forest, root and branch, from whence it was taken.

It is as apparent, on the other hand, that these proprietaries have acted an offensive part; have set up unwarrantable claims; have adhered to them by instructions yet more unwarrantable; have availed themselves of the dangers and distresses of the province, and made it their business (at least their deputies have) to increase the terrors of the times, purposely to unhinge the present system; and, by the dint of assumptions, snares, menaces, aspersions, tumults, and every other unfair practice whatsoever, would have either bullied or wheedled the inhabitants out of the privileges they were born to; nay, they have actually avowed this perfidious purpose, by avowing and dispersing those pamphlets in which the said privileges are insolently, wickedly, and foolishly pronounced repugnant to government, the sources of confusion, and such as, having answered the great end of causing an expeditious settlement, for which alone they were granted, might be resumed at pleasure, as incompatible with the dictatorial power they now challenge, and would fain exercise.

And, this being the truth, the plain truth, and nothing but the truth, there is no need to direct the censures of the public, which, on proper information, are always sure to fall in the right place.

The parties before them are the two proprietaries of a province and the province itself. And who or what are these proprietaries? In the province, unsizeable subjects and unsufficient lords. At home, gentlemen,

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it is true, but gentlemen so very private, that in the herd of gentry they are hardly to be found; not in court, not in office, not in Parliament.

And which is of most consequence to the community, whether their private estate shall be taxed, or the province shall be saved?

Whether these two private gentlemen, in virtue of their absolute proprietaryship, shall convert so many fellow-subjects, born as free as themselves, into vassals, or whether so noble and useful a province shall for ever remain an asylum for all that wish to remain as free as the inhabitants of it have, hitherto, made a shift to preserve themselves?

"Sub judice lis est."

What part the offices here at home have taken in this controversy, it will be time enough to specify when it is over; and appeals respectfully made argue a presumption, that right will be done.

But one circumstance more, therefore, remains to be added in behalf of this persecuted province, which is the testimonial of Commodore Spry, contained in the following extracts from two of his letters to one Mr. Lovell, a gentleman of Philadelphia, and by him communicated to the Speaker of the assembly, to wit;

“August 5th, 1756.

"It is impossible to conceive how much I am obliged to the gentlemen of Pennsylvania for their ready concurrence in supplying his Majesty's ships in North America with such a number of seamen, at their government's expense; and I must entreat you to make my most grateful acknowledgments to your Speaker, and the rest of the gentlemen concerned in it."