CHAPTER XLIX.

UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE A NECESSITY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTYTHE EXCOMMUNICATION OF THE PRESIDENT GENERAL GRANT FOR PRESIDENT OBJECT OF THE IMPEACHMENT—ASHLEY'S EFFORT ΤΟ BRING IT ABOUT THE STANTON MATTERREMOVAL OF MR. STANTON, FEBRUARY 21, 1868 - CONSEQUENCES OF-PROMPT IMPEACHMENT OF THE PRESIDENT— QUESTIONS TOUCHING THE POWERS OF THE CHIEF-JUSTICE IN THE TRIAL-THEIR SETTLEMENT EXCITEMENT TORRENTS OF LIES AND ABUSE-HENDERSON, OF MISSOURI THE PRESIDENT'S ACQUITTAL.

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HEN Mr. Chase left Washington about the first of May, 1865, on his Southern tour, he believed that his own mind and that of the President were in substantial accord upon the policy of reconstruction. When, upon his arrival at Cincinnati in June, he learned of the change in the President's views, he was both surprised and disappointed. He did not doubt the final judgment of the nation in respect of the extension of the suffrage to all men, white and black, but he foresaw clearly enough that, with the President hostile to it, a serious party struggle impended.

Universal suffrage was a necessity which the Republican party could not escape. The blacks must vote, or the Republican party must die. Undoubtedly, there was a considerable body of the party opposed to negro suffrage, and these found some expression through well-known leaders. Colonel Forney made a speech at Carlisle, substantially indorsing the President; Oliver P. Morton did the same thing in Indiana; and Schuyler Colfax hung upon the verge of both sides until the unmistakable

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sentiment of the party compelled him to unmask. The Republican State Convention of New York in the fall of 1865, perhaps that of Indiana also, if it did not indorse the particular policy of the President on this subject, did indorse his Administration, and some conspicuous members of the party, notably Mr. Seward and Mr. Doolittle, adhered to the President to the end.

The great mass of Republicans instinctively felt, however, that the existence of the party was bound up in universal suffrage, and believed, at the same time, that it was necessary to the permanent peace and prosperity of the country. Everywhere the party took ground in favor of it; expelled those who opposed it, and excommunicated even the President, who had been elected by their own votes.

The President was the fountain of office, and in breaking from him, the party, it must be conceded, made great sacrifices.

The condition of parties in the fall and winter of 1867-'68, was one of disorganization, among Republicans, because of the internal war upon the President; and among Democrats, because of the weakening of old party ideas, want of unity, and want of capable and popular leaders. It was perfectly well known that the President would place the power of the Administration on the side of the Democratic party, and although there were many offices that he could not control, there were more that he could, and these might be decisive of the presidential succession; and Mr. Johnson was a candidate even for the Democratic nomination. The Republican leaders were fully alive to the precariousness of the party position; they felt the vast importance of the presidential patronage; many of them felt, too, that according to the maxim that "to the victors belong the spoils," the Republican party was rightfully entitled to the Federal patronage; and they determined to get possession of it. There was but one method, and that was by impeachment and removal of the President.

Meantime a wide-spread sentiment had grown up in the Republican ranks that a candidate must be nominated who would command the votes of disaffected Republicans and the stragglers of both parties. This same sentiment pointed to General Grant as the available man. But General Grant's political views were unknown; he was a War Democrat, but so was Andrew Johnson;

and the experience with Mr. Johnson disinclined some of the more radical Republicans to another experiment of the same sort. The impeachment programme had, therefore, two motives: the first and most important was, of course, to get Andrew Johnson out of the presidency, and the second and hardly less important was, to keep General Grant from getting in. If it had succeeded, General Grant would not have been the nominee of the Chicago Convention of 1868.

An effort at impeachment was made at the second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, in January, 1867. General Ashley, of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, charged the President with "high crimes and misdemeanors," with usurpation of power and violation of law; that he had made a corrupt use of the appointing, the pardoning, and the veto powers; that he had corruptly disposed of public property, and had corruptly interfered in elections. A committee was appointed to investigate these charges; an investigation was made, and three reports were submitted by different members. This was during the first session of the Fourtieth Congress in December, 1867. A majority of the committee reported in favor of impeachment; but the House refused to concur; the vote being, for impeachment, fiftysix, all Republicans; against it, one hundred and eight, of whom sixty-seven were Republicans and forty-one were Democrats. Twenty-two members were absent or did not vote.

Meantime, the struggle between Congress and the President had grown more bitter and implacable, and had been carried into the President's official household. Mr. Stanton was a partisan of Congress, but clung to his office as Secretary of War, despite the President's repeatedly-expressed wish that he would retire. This wish took form at last in writing. On the 5th of August, 1867, the President sent Mr. Stanton a brief note: "Sir-Public considerations of a high character constrain me to say that your resignation as Secretary of War will be accepted." This was all. Mr. Stanton was almost as brief: "Sir-. . . . In reply, I have the honor to say that public considerations of a high character, which alone have induced me to continue at the head of this department, constrain me not to resign the office of Secretary of War before the next meeting of Congress." On the 12th of August, the President suspended Mr. Stanton from office, and

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empowered General Grant, temporarily, to act as Secretary of War.

Matters remained in this position for some months; but, immediately after the meeting of Congress, in December, the President submitted to the Senate his reasons for suspending Mr. Stanton from the exercise of his office. A month later on the 13th of January-the Senate, in executive session, voted to nonconcur in the act of suspension. General Grant immediately retired, and Mr. Stanton was restored.

There was now a brief interval of at least partial quiet, broken, on the 21st of February, by the action of the President. He removed Mr. Stanton, and appointed Brigadier-General Lorenzo Thomas Secretary of War ad interim. Mr. Stanton refused to submit, but ordered General Thomas out of his office, and sent a communication to the House of Representatives, inclosing the President's letter of removal. Mr. Covode, of Pennsylvania, immediately, as a question of privilege, offered a resolution, "That Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, be impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors." This resolution was referred to the Committee on Reconstruction, and shortly after the House adjourned.

The excitement in Washington, growing out of the removal of Mr. Stanton and its immediate consequences, was very great, and communicated itself rapidly to the country. The quarrel between the President and Congress, it was felt, had at last culminated, and the final struggle was at hand.

On Saturday, the 22d of February, an immense throng of citizens and strangers congregated in the Capitol, to watch the proceedings. "At ten minutes past two o'clock,” according to the National Intelligencer, "Mr. Thaddeus Stevens rose to make a report from the Committee on Reconstruction. The Speaker admonished the spectators in the gallery, and the members on the floor, to preserve order during the proceedings about to take place, and to manifest neither approbation nor disapprobation. At twenty minutes past two, Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, chairman of the Reconstruction Committee, presented a report to the House." The substance of that report was, that the President had signed an order or commission, directing one Lorenzo Thomas to take possession of the books, papers, records, and

other public property, in the War Department. The conclusion of the committee was, that Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors. This report and resolution were debated during the afternoon and evening sessions, and the House did not adjourn till after eleven o'clock. The House reassembled on Monday morning, at ten, and resumed consideration of the impeachment resolution; the interval between ten o'clock and noon, the regular hour for meeting, being regarded as technically belonging to the session of Saturday. At five o'clock, of Monday, a vote was taken, amid great and suppressed excitement. One hundred and twenty-six voted for the resolution, and forty-seven against it. All the affirmatives were Republicans, and all the negatives were Democrats. One committee, of seven members, was appointed to prepare articles of impeachment; and another, of two members, to go to the bar of the Senate, and in the name of the House of Representatives, and of all the people of the United States, to impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors; and to ask the Senate to take order for the appearance of said Andrew Johnson, to answer to said impeachment-a high-sounding duty, which was committed to Thaddeus Stevens and John A. Bingham, and sonorously discharged by them, in the Senate, on the next day, Tuesday, the 25th of February.

It was supposed, by the principal prosecutors in this great drama, that the whole enterprise might be finished up in a fortnight or three weeks: Andrew Johnson a private citizen, and Benjamin F. Wade the acting-President! Three weeks or more were spent in mere preliminaries, and three months elapsed before the end was reached, and that end was defeat!

But the Senate took prompt order upon the matter, and immediately (25th of February) appointed a committee to consider the matter, and make report. This committee consisted of seven persons, two of whom-Senators Howard and Edmunds-the next day, February 26th, waited upon the Chief-Justice, after the adjournment of the Supreme Court, and informed him of the action of the Senate, and that the committee of which they were members was about to prepare some rules for the government of the impeachment proceedings, and would willing