any such intentions: of what danger there may be of such an event we are all aware, and shall take artifices, fraudulently obtained the government, and deprived the people of their liberties; and of conspiring with Aaron to perpe tuate the tyranny in their family. Thus, though Corah's real motive was the supplanting of Aaron, he persuaded the people that he meant only the public good; and they, moved by his insinuations, began to cry out, Let us maintain the common liberty of our respective tribes; we have freed ourselves from the slavery imposed upon us by the Egyptians, and shall we suffer ourselves to be made slaves by Moses? If we must have a master, it were better to return to Pharaoh, who at least fed us with bread and onions, than to serve this new tyrant, who by his operations has brought us into danger of famine.' Then they called in question the reality of his conference with God; and objected to the privacy of their meetings, and the preventing any of the people from being present at the colloquies, or even approaching the place, as grounds of great suspicion. They accused Moses also of peculation; as embezzling part of the golden spoons and the silver chargers that the princes had offered at the dedication of the altar,' and the offerings of gold by the common people, as well as most of the poll tax;3 and Aaron they accused of pocketing much of the gold of which he pretended to have made a molten calf. Besides peculation, they charged Moses with ambition; to gratify which passion, he had, they said, deceived the people, by promising to bring them to a land flowing with milk and honey; instead of doing which, he had · brought them from such a land; and that he thought light of all this mischief, provided he could make himself an absolute prince. That to support the new dignity with splendor in his

2 Exodus, chap. xxxv. ver. 22.

3 Numbers, chap. iii. and Exodus, chap. xxx.

4 Numbers, chap. xvi. ver. 19. "Is it a small thing that thou hast - brought us up out of a land flowing with milk and honey, to kill us in the

wilderness, except thou make thyself altogether a prince over us?”

eare effectually to prevent it. The choice is from four years to five years; the appointments will be

family, the partial poll tax already levied and given to Aaron' was to be followed by a general one, which would probably be augmented from time to time, if he were suffered to go on promulgating new laws, on pretence of new occasional revelations of the divine will, till their whole fortunes were devoured by that aristocracy."

Moses denied the charge of peculation; and his accusers were destitute of proofs to support it; though facts, if real, are in their nature capable of proof. "I have not," said he, (with holy confidence in the presence of God,) "I have not taken from this people the value of an ass, nor done them any other injury." But his enemies had made the charge, and with some success among the populace; for no kind of accusation is so readily made, or easily believed, by knaves, as the accusation of knavery.

In fine, no less than two hundred and fifty of the principal men "famous in the congregation, men of renown," heading and exciting the mob, worked them up to such a pitch of phrensy, that they called out, "Stone 'em, stone 'em, and thereby secure our liberties; and let us choose other captains that may lead us back into Egypt, in case we do not succeed in reducing the Canaanites !"

On the whole it appears, that the Israelites were a people jealous of their newly-acquired liberty, which jealousy was in itself no fault; but, that when they suffered it to be worked upon by artful men, pretending public good, with nothing really in view but private interest, they were led to oppose the establishment of the new constitution, whereby they brought upon themselves much inconvenience and misfortune. It farther appears from the same inestimable history, that when, after many ages, that

! Numbers, chap. iii. ? Exodus, chap. xxx. 3 Numbers, chap. xvi.

small: thus we may change our president if we do not like his conduct, and he will have less inducement to struggle for a new election. As to the two chambers I am of your opinion, that one alone would be better;' but, my dear friend, nothing in

constitution was become old and much abused, and an amendment of it was proposed, the populace, as they had accused Moses of the ambition of making himself a prince, and cried out, Stone him, stone him; so, excited by their high priests and scribes, they exclaimed against the Messiah, that he aimed at becoming the king of the Jews, and cried, Crucify him, crucify him. From all which we may gather, that popular opposition to a public measure is no proof of its impropriety, even though the opposition be excited and headed by men of distinction.

To conclude, I beg I may not be understood to infer, that our general convention was divinely inspired when it formed the new federal constitution, merely because that constitution has been unreasonably and vehemently opposed; yet I must own I have so much faith in the general government of the world by Providence, that I can hardly conceive a transaction of such momentous importance to the welfare of millions now existing, and to exist in the posterity of a great nation, should be suffered to pass without being in some degree influenced, guided, and governed by that omnipotent, omnipresent, and beneficent Ruler, in whom all inferior spirits live and move and have their being. B. F.

1 Some time after the date of this letter, when alterations were meditated in the constitution of Pennsylvania, Dr. Franklin wrote a paper in which this opinion is strongly advocated: and his principles of government are there further elucidated. See APPENDIX, No. 7.

human affairs and schemes is perfect; and perhaps this is the case of our opinions.

TO THE HON. CHARLES CARROL, ESQ.

Member of Congress. New York.

DEAR FRIEND,

Philadelphia, May 25, 1789.

I am glad. to see by the papers that our grand machine has at length begun to work. I pray God to bless and guide its operations. If any form of government is capable of making a nation happy, ours I think bids fair now for producing that effect. But after all, much depends upon the people who are to be governed. We have been guarding against an evil that old states are most liable to, excess of power in the rulers; but our present danger seems to be defect of obedience in the subjects. There is hope, however, from the enlightened state of this age and country, we may guard effectually against that evil as well as the

rest.

My grandson, William Temple Franklin, will have the honor of presenting this line; he accompanied me to France, and remained with me during my mission: I beg leave to recommend him to your notice, and that you would believe me, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

Dr. Franklin having served the full period li mited by the constitution of the state of Pennsylvania for the continuance in office of its presidents, and his infirmities and desire of repose increasing, in Oct. 1788 he retired wholly from public affairs : he thus noticed the circumstance, in a letter to his friend, the Duke de la Rochefoucault.

Philadelphia, Oct. 22, 1788.

Having now finished my turn of being president, and promising myself to engage no more in public business, I hope to enjoy the small remains of life that are allowed me, in the repose I have so long wished for. I purpose to employ it in completing the personal history you mention.' It is now brought down to my fiftieth year. What is to follow will be of more important transactions: but it seems to me what is done will be of more general use to young readers, exemplifying strongly the effects of prudent and imprudent conduct in the commencement of a life of business."

2

Though Dr. Franklin had every reason to be well satisfied with the reception he met on his

'The present Memoirs of his Life.

2 Close of PART II. It is to be lamented the subsequent state of his health did not enable him to continue it further.