|sisted upon satisfaction, with regard to his claims upon Silesia, before they guaranteed the Pragmatic Sanction, they might have obtained a stipulation for that purpose from the court of Vienna, which would have prevented that invasion. But even after this neglect, they might have prevented the war now carrying on in Germany: for the king of Prussia offered such terms as ought in prudence, perhaps in justice too, to have been accepted by the court of Vienna, and would have been accepted by that court, if we had insisted upon it as the condition sine qua non of our giving them any assistance. If we had done this, it is evident from facts and dates, that the clector of Bavaria would never have been chosen emperor, nor would he have attacked the queen of Hungary, and in that case no Frenchman would have entered Germany in a hostile manner; for none of the French troops entered Germany, nor did the elector of Bavaria commit any one act of hostility against the queen of Hungary, till the king of Prussia was drove into their alliance by the obstinacy of the court of Vienna; and that court was encouraged in their obstinacy by our ministers, which I need not trouble you with demonstrating, because it is evident not only from the papers upon our table, but also from the Resolution of this House in favour of the queen of Hungary, before she had any other declared enemy beside Prussia, and especially from the violent speeches that were made by some gentlemen upon that occasion.

self to the three wars now carrying on in Europe, I mean that between Spain and us; that between the elector of Bavaria assisted by the French, and the queen of Hungary; and that between the Swedes and Muscovites; and I shall shew, that every one of them proceeded from the ridiculous conduct of our ministers. With regard to the Spanish war, if our ministers had, at the time of the treaty of Seville, insisted upon an explanation of former treaties, which had, before that time, been misinterpreted by Spain: if they had insisted upon Spain's giving up her pretence of visiting, searching, or seizing, in time of peace, any ships in the high seas of America, on account of what they called contraband goods, I am convinced, the court of Spain would have agreed to give up that pretence, in the most explicit terms, rather than lose the advantages stipulated for them by that treaty. Even after this false step, if our ministers had properly resented the treatment our commissaries met with at the court of Spain, and had peremptorily insisted upon immediate satisfaction for the first insult our merchant ships met with in the seas of America, the Spanish court would have complied, rather than enter into a war with this nation, at the very time they were engaged in a war with the emperor in Italy. But instead of this, our ministers, ever since the year 1720, appeared so complaisant in every negociation with that court, and submitted so tamely to every insult, that the court of Spain began to imagine, that we would give up the point in dispute, rather than come to an open rupture with them; and this, I am persuaded, would have been the consequence of the late Convention, if the indignation of our people had not at last got the better of the submission of our ministers. Our present war with Spain is, therefore, evidently owing to the ill-timed complaisance and pusillanimity of our ministers, and yet this complaisance and pusillanimity was in every step approved by our parliaments, and has not even yet been censured, notwithstanding the fatal consequence it has produced, and the disappointment of all those hopes, with which our ministers so confidently flattered us, that their tedious negociations would at last end in an honourable and advantageous peace.

Then, Sir, with regard to the war in Germany, even the king of Prussia's invading Silesia was owing to the bad conduct of our ministers; for if they had in

Having thus shewn, Sir, that it was by the bad conduct of our ministers that the French and Bavarians were encouraged to attack the queen of Hungary, I need not use many words to prove, that the war between Sweden and Muscovy is owing to the same cause; for from the time that war was declared by Sweden it is evident, that if the French had not resolved to send their troops into Germany, the Swedes would not have declared war against Muscovy: and consequently, if the conduct of our ministers was the cause of the French resolving to send their troops into Germany, it was the ultimate cause of the Swedes declaring war against Muscovy.

It is therefore evident, Sir, that not only the present distresses of this nation, but all the distresses and confusions in which Europe is at present involved, are owing to the late measures of our administration; and though the consequences were not perhaps at first so visible as they are at

Mr. Sandys:

present, yet it cannot be said, they were not foretold; for what we now see has been often foretold both within doors and without; and, appeared manifest to a great majority of the nation, though to our great misfortune it never appeared so to a majority of this House, which I am not at all surprised at, considering the great number of placemen and expectants we had always in this assembly. That any of those placemen or expectants were wilfully blind, I shall not pretend to say: I do believe, that many, if not all of them, were imposed on by the specious pretences made use of upon each respective occasion; and I the rather believe so, because I know how easy it is to impose upon men, when their own private interest is made the harbinger of the deceit; but the misfortunes we now labour under, and the evidence from whence those misfortunes have all proceeded, ought to be a prevailing argument with us, to prevent any public deceit being hereafter introduced into this House by the same sort of gentlemanusher. That this Bill will be altogether effectual for this purpose, is what I shall not pretend to assert, but I am convinced it will have some effect; and as it is the best remedy I can think of at present, I am therefore for agreeing to the motion.

Mr. Philips:

Sir; as I had the honour to be one of those that received the commands of the House last session, to bring in a Bill of this nature, I cannot sit still, and not testify my approbation of it now. If ever there was a time when it was necessary to preserve the purity of this House, and to guard against the influence that the enjoyment of power and profit is too apt to have on the minds of men, this is the time, when the nation is poor, groaning under the burden of heavy taxes, and yet luxurious and extravagant in the pursuit of pleasures. Nothing can so effectually preserve this nation from ruin, as the maintaining of innate freedom within these walls, and nothing can so effectually attack and get the better of that freedom, as the allurements of places and offices, which insensibly lead men away from their first resolves, and at length, by custom and example, quite harden and corrupt them. A Bill therefore of this nature, that so evidently tends (if you will give me leave to use the expression) to lead men out of temptation,' must necessarily deliver them from evil; therefore I heartily concur in the motion,

Sir; as it is very well known, and, I doubt not, very well remembered, that I had last session the honour not only to be one of those that received the commands of this House to bring in such a Bill, as is now proposed, but was also the first mover for it, and as I shall now be against the motion, I think myself bound in duty to my sovereign, to myself, to my country, and to the liberties of Europe, to give my reasons for this change in my behaviour, which, without an explanation, might perhaps, by some gentlemen, be presumed to proceed from motives of a mercenary or ambitious nature; and I must begin, Sir, with assuring you, that this change in my behaviour does not proceed from any change in my situation, or from any change in my sentiments with regard to the Bill itself, but merely from a change in the circumstances of our affairs both abroad and at home.

With regard to the necessity of our having such a Bill as this passed into a law, my sentiments are rather confirmed than altered by my change of situation; but, I hope, there is no gentleman in this House so deficient in that respect which is due to his sovereign, as to chuse to have his majesty's assent to any necessary Bill rather compelled than freely obtained. When I talk of his majesty, Sir, every gentleman must be sensible, that my duty as a subject, and now as a servant, obliges me to express myself with the greatest caution; but as the great king William sometimes altered his sentiments with regard to bills in parliament, I hope, I may say, without any breach of my duty, that the wisest of kings are in some cases too much influenced in their sentiments, with regard to bills offered to them by parliament, by the artful insinuations of those who have accidentally and undeservedly the honour of being in their councils. Though his present majesty's sentiments, with regard to the Bill now proposed, were never publicly known: though he never was brought under a necessity to declare them, yet we have great reason to believe, that he was last session prejudiced against any such Bill as was then passed by this House. This, I believe the majority of us were then convinced of; but we had then the misfortune to be convinced likewise, that he had no man in his councils who would attempt or presume to remove those prejudices. This made it necessary for the

from his majesty's known courage and high spirit, must we not suppose, that he would reject it with the utmost disdain? This, Sir, would certainly produce a rupture between his majesty and his parliament; and in the present circumstances of Europe, I tremble to think of the consequences of such a rupture. What has hitherto been the support of the queen of Hungary, what has encouraged her subjects to venture their lives and fortunes so bravely, I may say, so desperately, in her defence, has been the hopes that assistance would at last come from afar, even from the remotest corners of the British dominions. But if such a rupture should ensue, what could she or her subjects expect from us? Instead of being able to assist her, we should be involved in endless disputes, perhaps in a tedious and destructive civil war amongst ourselves: thus that brave and heroic queen would at last be obliged to submit to the power of France; and Polyphemus's favour, of our being the last morsel, would be the only one we could expect from that insolent nation.

For these reasons, Sir, though I am as great a friend as ever to the Bill now proposed, though I shall be ready to embrace the first favourable opportunity for having it passed into a law, yet I am against pushing for it at present, especially as I have, I think, good reason to believe, that I shall in a very short time have the pleasure of seeing it readily agreed to by every branch of our legislature.

Mr. Velters Cornewall:

Sir; notwithstanding what has been alleged, I shall take the freedom to speak my opinion of this Bill and of the present measures; and I do assure the House, I have had no share in the scramble for places. My political ambition, according to the old expression, has cost me many a grey groat; it has brought me nothing. A gentleman has said, that if the Lords had expected this return, they had not passed the last Bill. We have nothing to do with the Lords, nor any reason to consult their approbation or dislike. The gentleman too makes a merit of having conducted that Bill in this House, and been the means of its passing. Do not let him take all the merit to himself. I was one of those who had the honour to receive the commands of the House to bring in that Bill, who helped to conduct it, and to procure that benefit to the people of England which they expect from it.

I too, Sir, perhaps, helped to bring him into the great honour and employments he now enjoys. If I had ever solicited a place, that gentleman must have known it, but I have been only one of the rounds of the ladder by which that gentleman climbed; and now his turn is served, like some others, he is for kicking the ladder away.

You, Sir, [turning to Mr. Speaker] have set us extremely right, as you always do every thing extremely well: and I agree we must say, that every gentleman here is a man of strict uniformity and great honour. I beg I may not be thought ironical. Now, Sir, as to instructions from our constituents, suppose my instructions contained a desire that I would be for a Place Bill, suppose I had promised to be for it, and yet exerted my utmost abilities against it. Abroad, Sir, we see many strange things; within these doors, according to your admonition, we must see none. Imagine now, Sir, I had a young gentleman or pupil to advise in the regulation of his conduct, and he should apply to me to know by whose advice to form his opinion of public affairs? I should say to him, Prithee, hast thou no friend nor acquaintance whose advice thou canst rely on, and in whose integrity thou canst confide; apply to thy representatives, surely they will not deceive thee; for if people cannot trust their representatives, whom can they trust.' Parallel to this would be the case of a member for a city, to whom instructions conformable to his constant advice should be delivered, he should receive them, promise to observe them, and not to deceive those who had chosen him for their representative; but shortly after, having altered his own measures, should call his constituents a parcel of fools, and totally disregard what they say to him: when one observes these transactions, what must one say? I should incline to follow the example of the playhouse, and cry out in the phrase of Mr. John Trott, Gentlemen, have a care of your pockets.'

Sir John Barnard :

Sir; from what has been said by some gentlemen in the debate, I foresee, that if our parliaments continue, in time to come, as complaisant to our ministers as they have been in time past, the fate of this question under this administration, will be the same with that which was the fate of the question about reducing our army under the last. The worthy gentleman