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"the affection founded upon former benefits and reciprocal CHAPTER interests an affection," so the note concluded, "which you yourself have taken a pleasure in cultivating by 1796. every means in your power."

The next morning Pinckney wrote to De la Croix, Dec. 13. expressing his regret at the determination of the Directory-a determination for the knowledge of which, as he had received no notice of it himself, he had been indebted to the politeness of Mr. Monroe, who had not even been asked to make the communication. Under these circumstances, he desired to know if it were the wish of the Directory that he should quit the territories of the republic immediately, or whether he might remain till he heard from America. To Pinckney's private secretary, by whose hand this note was sent, De la Croix stated that, since the recall of Monroe, the Directory knew of no American minister; as to Pinckney's going or staying, he would obtain orders from the Directory, and then send an answer. Two or three days after, a secre- Dec. 15. tary of De la Croix's informed Pinckney that, as the Di rectory did not intend to acknowledge him as minister, and did not mean to give him leave to stay, he would fall under the general law forbidding strangers to reside at Paris without special permission. Upon Pinckney's

suggesting that his baggage had not yet arrived from Bordeaux, and desiring to be informed whether he might wait for it, the secretary promised that the Directory should be consulted, intimating also that the answer would probably be given through the minister of police. To this Pinckney decidedly objected, insisting upon his diplomatic character made known to the French gov ernment by his letters of credence delivered to and received by their Secretary of State. Though ordered to quit the French territories, he was still entitled to a pass

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CHAPTER port and letters of safe-conduct, which were granted to ministers even in case of war, and to which his claim 1796. was so much, the stronger as the two nations were still Here the matter rested for some time, the

at peace. French government waiting probably to hear the result Dec. 26. of the presidential election. When Pinckney sent his secretary again to De la Croix, he disavowed the promise made by his messenger to consult the Directory; expressed great surprise that Pinckney was not satisfied; and intimated that, if he did not depart soon, the minister of police would be informed of the fact. But as an order in writing for Pinckney's departure was refused, he resolved to remain till his passports were sent, or some other unequivocal step were taken.

While Pinckney was thus treated with studied neglect and insult, the facile Monroe was made to figure in a new scene—an epilogue fitly corresponding to the prologue of his fraternal reception. His recall had wiped away all the temporary suspicions against him, and had satisfied the Directory that he really was, what he had ever professed to be, enthusiastically devoted to France. It was hardly, however, as a personal compliment to Monroe that the present scene was got up, but rather as a direct insult to the American government and their new minister a signal thrown out to the French party Dec. 30. in the United States. Honored with a formal reception by the Directory to present his letters of recall and to take his leave, Monroe struck an agreeable note in warmly acknowledging "the important services rendered by France to America." He also congratulated the republic on her victories, and on "the dawn of prosperity under the auspices of a wise and excellent Constitution ;" expressing also his earnest wishes for that "close union and perfect harmony" between France and America, the

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promotion of which had been his sole object in accepting CHAPTER the mission, and, since his acceptance of it, the object of his "utmost exertions.”

So unfortunate as to have fallen under the displeasure and the censure of Washington, from whom he had derived his appointment, Monroe for this, doubtless, found ample compensation in the approbation and applause of Barras, president of the Directory. "Mr. Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America"-such was the reply of Barras-" by presenting this day to the Executive Directory your letter of recall, you offer a very strange spectacle to Europe. Rich in her freedom, surrounded by the train of her victories, strong in the esteem of her allies, France will not stoop to calculate the consequences of the condescension of the American government to the wishes of its ancient tyrants. The French republic expects, however, that the successors of Columbus, Raleigh, and Penn, always proud of their liberty, will never forget that they owe it to France. They will weigh in their wisdom the magnanimous friendship of the French people with the crafty caresses of perfidious men, who meditate to bring them again under their former yoke. Assure the good people of America, Mr. Minister, that, like them; we admire liberty; that they will always possess our esteem, and find in the French people that republican generosity which knows how to grant peace as well as how to cause its sovereignty to be respected. As for you, Mr. Minister Plenipotentiary, you have ever battled for principles; you have known the true interest of your country. Depart with our regret. We restore in you a representative to America; we preserve the remembrance of a citizen whose personal qualities did honor to that title."

While Monroe was dismissed in these flattering terms,

1796.

CHAPTER the position of Pinckney was by no means pleasant. Χ. The insolence of the French republic grew with its vic1797. tories. While Hoche was preparing to invade Ireland, where the United Irishmen were ready to join him, Bonaparte in Italy was overwhelming the Austrians with repeated defeats. Thirteen foreign ministers had been already sent off. The republic of Genoa had been obliged to renounce its neutrality, and to purchase pardon for having attempted to preserve it by the payment of nearly a million of dollars. Talleyrand, late a refugee in America, but recently returned to France, had told the Directory, so Pinckney was informed, that the United States were of no greater consequence and need be treated with no greater ceremony than Genoa. News having reached Paris of Bonaparte's great victory at Rivoli, securing, by the repulse of Alvinzi, the surrender of Mantua and the possession of all Northern Italy; and Washington's speech at the opening of the late session of Congress having also arrived, together with the anJan. 25. swer of the Senate, De la Croix, in the name of the Directory, notified Pinckney that, having already resided in Paris nearly two months without special permission, he had become amenable to the law. Having thus obtained that notification in writing which he deemed essential, Pinckney wrote the next day for passports, and having Feb. 3. obtained them, speedily departed for Holland.

Meanwhile the French cruisers were busily employed in giving new proofs of that "republican generosity" of which Barras had boasted in his farewell to Monroe. Constant captures were made of American vessels, on the ground of having enemy's property on board. When carried into France, the validity of these prizes was determined, in the first instance, by a new set of local tribunals lately erected, and principally composed of mer

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cantile men, many of whom were themselves interested CHAPTER in privateers, and who made it a point to condemn, on some pretext or other, almost every vessel brought in. 1797. If an appeal were taken to the High Court of Cassation, the law officer of the Directory was authorized to refer the whole case to the minister of justice, in order that the opinion of the government might be taken. Thus the final decision depended, not upon any treaty provisions or established rules of international law, nor upon any principles of justice or equity, but upon the policy of the government for the time being. Pretenses, indeed, had been lately set up sufficient to insure the condemnation of every American vessel. An old ante-Revolutionary ordinance authorized French ships of war to arrest and bring in as pirates all vessels not having a role d'equipage, that is, articles containing a list of the crew, signed by the seamen, and countersigned by some public officer. But as no such counter-signature was required by the American law, no American vessel had it. other of these old ordinances required, as a necessary proof of neutrality, a national sea-letter, a document little known in America, and with which vessels were never provided except when bound upon some new voyage among barbarous nations. The treaty between France and the United States had, indeed, specified the form of a passport to serve in time of war as proof of the nationality of French and American vessels; but to passports in that form it was presently objected, that as the treaty was set aside, the Americans must conform to the standing French law above referred to. Merlin, minister of justice, the same who, as president of the Convention, had given to Monroe the fraternal embrace, and who was believed to be himself largely interested as a secret partner in privateers, wrote a treatise, of which

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