CHAPTER holding out to the opposition of the hand of reconciliaX. tion by way of public answer to the private overtures al1797. ready made to him by some of the leaders.

Adams's profession of respect and veneration for the Christian religion, though no doubt perfectly sincere on his part, had yet much the appearance of a reflection on Jefferson. That, however, was a delicate point, since Adams's own opinions, verging closely on Socinianism, might seem to many almost as objectionable as the freethinking of which Jefferson was accused.

The allusions to Washington drew out floods of tears, rather too copiously, indeed, for the jealous temper of Adams, who seems, from the same letter already quoted, to have entertained some disagreeable doubts whether those tears might not be as much for his accession as for Washington's retirement.

The speech ended, the oath was energetically administered by the chief justice, and as energetically repeated by Adams. This ceremony over, the new president took his seat, but rose shortly after, bowed to all around, and retired. He was soon followed by the vice-president, not, however, without ceremonious efforts on his part to induce Washington to take the precedence. This was the last time that Jefferson and Washington ever met. As Washington followed the vice-president, the shouts were redoubled both in and out of the House. He was sumptuously entertained that same evening by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, and having been the first person to pay his respects to the new president, by waiting upon him at his own house, he departed a few days after for Mount Vernon, receiving on his way every mark of attention and regard.

This homage to Washington, and the strong hold he still maintained on the affections of the American peo

X.

ple, were gall and wormwood to the Aurora and the more CHAPTER furious Democrats. Indeed, the open countenance and support which the Aurora received from Jefferson and 1797. other leaders of the Republican party, made them, in a certain degree at least, the endorsers of its sentiments. The following communication, dated on the day of Adams's inauguration-believed to be from the pen of Dr. Michael Leib, a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, whose maiden speech the year before had called out from Jefferson, in a letter to Giles, warm congratulations that honest republicanism" had made such an acquisition, and expressions of high hopes from a career which began on such elevated ground-appeared in that paper of the sixth of March: "Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation,' was the pious ejaculation of a man who beheld a flood of happiness rushing in upon mankind. If ever there was a time which would license the reiteration of this exclamation"-so wrote this correspondent of the Aurora" that time is now arrived, for the man who is the source of all the misfortunes of our country is this day reduced to a level with his fellow-citizens, and is no longer possessed of power to multiply evils upon the United States. If ever there was a period for rejoicing, this is the moment. Every heart in unison with the freedom and happiness of the people ought to beat high with exultation that the name of Washington from this day ceases to give a currency to political iniquity and to legalized corruption. A new era is now opening upon us -an era which promises much to the people, for public measures must now stand upon their own merits, and nefarious projects can no longer be supported by a name. When a retrospect is taken of the Washingtonian administration for eight years, it is a subject of the great

CHAPTER est astonishment that a single individual should have X. conquered the principles of republicanism in an enlight1797. ened people just emerged from the gulf of despotism, and

should have carried his designs against the public liberty so far as to have put in jeopardy its very existence. Such, however, are the facts, and, with these staring us in the face, this day ought to be a jubilee in the United States!"

Not content with this article and others in the same strain, and provoked by Washington's formal denunciation of the forged letters which political hatred had revived and published as his, the Aurora, no doubt with French assistance, gave a new specimen of its spite by reproducing the old calumny of Washington's "assassination" of Jumonville at the commencement of the war of 1753. It is not much to be wondered at that the editor and publisher of the Aurora, having paid a visit with a party of friends to the frigate United States, then on the stocks at Philadelphia, and being recognized by the son of the contractor, received at his hands a very severe beating, which many thought was no more than he deserved. Even the moderate Webster had remarked in his Minerva, that however such libels on Washington might be tolerated in Philadelphia, their publisher would hardly be able to visit New England without danger of a coat of tar and feathers. And, indeed, Bache found it necessary to appease the public clamor against him by calling attention to the fact that the article above quoted was not written by him, but came from a correspondent.

While thus furious against Washington, the Aurora, in conformity with the policy of the Republican leaders, and to the signal thrown out by Jefferson in his inaugural address, treated the new president with great courtesy; found in his speech much to admire; and expressed

X.

great satisfaction that neither he nor Jefferson had been CHAPTER "tricked out of their election" by the "vile and detestable artifices" of Hamilton.

However well pleased the new president might be with these signs of relaxation on the part of the opposition, he was yet by no means inclined to separate himself from those who had supported Washington's administration, and to whom he was indebted for the successorship. Wolcott certainly, and probably also the other cabinet officers, had tendered their resignations; but Adams had declined to accept them, and the cabinet remained as Washington left it. At the same time, Adams was well disposed to avail himself of the aid of the leaders of the opposition in meeting that crisis with respect to France which was now evidently approaching. Pinckney's dispatches were still behind-hand, but rumors had arrived that the Directory had refused to receive him. The president already entertained the idea of another and a more solemn mission, and, indeed, the same thing was suggested to him the very morning after his inauguration by Ames and Tracy, acting on the part of Hamilton and his special friends. Adams had thought

of employing Jefferson on this mission; but the doubts recurred which Washington had formerly entertained in Adams's own case, if, being vice-president, he could properly accept it. He waited on Jefferson, told him as much, and mentioned Madison as a proper envoy, to be joined by a colleague or two. As Madison had constantly refused all appointments under Washington's administration, Jefferson gave no encouragement that he would accept; indeed, it is stated that Madison positively refused. But, before this refusal, Adams had encountered such opposition from Wolcott, the only member of his cabinet whom he consulted as to this matter, as to induce him

1797.

CHAPTER to draw back from the offer. According to Adams's acX. count, given many years after, the person he had thought 1797. of as a colleague for Madison was Hamilton himself; according to Jefferson, he mentioned Gerry.

This was the end, for the present at least, of all consultations between Adams and Jefferson as to public affairs. Pinckney's dispatches arrived a few days after; and the very different views taken by the president and the vice-president as to the conduct of the French Directory, and the policy to be adopted, made any co-operation between them impossible.

1796. It appeared from these dispatches that, the next day Dec. 9. after Pinckney's arrival, he and Monroe had waited together on De la Croix, the French minister of Foreign Affairs, and, agreeably to an intimation previously given to Monroe, had delivered to him, Pinckney, his letters of credence, and Monroe his letters of recall. The minister received them with great stiffness; but, relaxing a little, promised to lay these documents before the Directory, and to send Pinckney and his secretary "letters of hospitality," without which no stranger could remain at Paris. Pinckney's letter of credence declared him to be sent "to maintain that good understanding which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations, and to efface unfounded impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union."

Dec. 12.

Three days after, De la Croix sent to Monroe a formal written notification that the Directory would not receive another minister plenipotentiary from the United States till after that redress of grievances which the French government had a right to expect. Yet there might, notwithstanding this determination, subsist between the French republic and the American "people"