RETROSPECT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 27

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quail; and he might reasonably prefer to leave the helm CHAPTER to Adams, a man not accustomed to quail at any thing; especially if matters could be so arranged as to destroy 1796. the influence of Hamilton with the administration, and to bring Adams to depend for congressional support, in part at least, on the late opposition. That such an intrigue was really on foot appears from two letters written by Jefferson, the one to Adams himself, the other to Madison, sketches of which are published in Jefferson's Correspondence, written out from memory, as he had omitted to retain copies. In the letter to Adams, dated the day after that to Rutledge already quoted, and con- Dec. 28. taining a repetition of many of the same sentiments, the following side-thrust at Hamilton appears: "It is possible, indeed, that even you may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy the subtlety of your arch-friend of New York, who has been able to make of your real friends tools for defeating their and your just wishes. Probably, however, he will be disappointed as to you, and my inclinations put me out of his reach." This letter to Adams was inclosed in another to Madison (who was authorized to deliver it or not, according to his discretion), in which was developed Jefferson's plan of opera"If Mr. Adams," said this letter, "could be induced to administer the government on its true principles, quitting his bias for an English constitution, it would be worthy of consideration whether it would not be for the public good to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is the only sure barrier against Hamilton's getting in."

tions.

Madison thought it not best to deliver the letter to Adams-why, we are left to conjecture. Jefferson had stated, in his letter to Madison, as a reason why hitherto he had delayed writing to Adams, "a despair to make

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CHAPTER him believe me sincere." Perhaps Madison shared the same discouragement; perhaps he was not so sanguine 1797. as Jefferson of being able to divide the Federal party; or, if that could be accomplished, of reconciling the opposition to the support of Adams, so long held up to their abhorrence as an Anglo-man and a monarchist. Possibly he thought that any arrangement which might secure Adams's re-election and the succession of Jefferson would not only look a little too much like taking things out of the hands of the people, but might be putting off his own hopes of preferment to a period almost too indefinite.

Whatever might have been the reasons for keeping back the letter, oral advances were made to Adams, which, so far as compliments were concerned, he seemed well disposed to reciprocate; and this, perhaps, was the real reason why Jefferson's letter was not delivered, the object of it having been otherwise and more safely acJan. 22. complished. "My letters," so Jefferson presently wrote to Madison, "inform me that Mr. Adams speaks of me with great friendship, and with satisfaction in the prospect of administering the government in concurrence with me. I am glad of the first information, because, though I saw that our ancient friendship was affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of confidence in his integrity, and retain a solid affection for him. His principles of government I know to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my participating in the administration, if by that he means the executive cabinet, both duty and inclination will shut that door to me. I can not have a wish to see the scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every con

“I

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flict." Warned by a bitter experience, Jefferson decid- CHAPTER edly preferred, if he were to act the part of counselor at all to the new administration, the post of back-stairs ad- 1797. viser, an influence which, according to his estimate of Adams's character, could not but be very powerful. sincerely deplore," adds the same letter, "the situation of our affairs with France. War with them, and consequent alliance with Great Britain, will completely compass the object of the executive council from the commencement of the war between France and England, taken up by some of them from that moment, by others more latterly. I still, however, hope it will be avoided. I do not believe Mr. Adams wishes war with France, nor do I believe he will truckle to England as servilely as has been done. If he assumes this front at once, and shows that he means to attend to self-respect and national dignity with both nations, perhaps the depredations of both on our commerce may be amicably arrested. think we should begin first with those who first began. with us, and, by an example on them, acquire a right to redemand the respect from which the other party has departed."

I

To the affectation of ultra Republican prudery, indifference to office, and maiden reluctance, of which Jefferson's above-quoted letters make such a display, the correspondence of John Adams, on the same subject, affords a most refreshing contrast. Adams indeed wrote to his wife, who seems to have been his sole confidant, and to whom he unbosomed himself without restraint, while Jefferson wrote to political co-operators, in many of whom he saw or feared political rivals, and with all of whom he had an object to accomplish. Yet, with all due allowance for this difference, their respective letters, though they show Adams self-deceived no less than Jef

CHAPTER ferson, still exhibit in strong light the contrasted characters of the writers.

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1796.

Referring to the approaching presidential election, Feb. 10. after a quotation from Necker, Adams adds, in illustration of it, "a man who, like myself, has been many more years than Mr. Necker ever was at the center of affairs, and that in a young country which has ever boasted of its simplicity, frugality, integrity, public spirit, public virtue, disinterestedness, &c., can judge from his own experience of the activity of private interest, and perceive in what manner the human heart is influenced, irritated, and soothed by hope. Neglects and sacrifices of personal interest are oftener boasted than practiced. The parade, and pomp, and ostentation, and hypocrisy have been as common in America as in France. When I hear these pretensions set up, I am very apt to say to myself, this man deceives himself, or is attempting to deceive me.

"The various elections of the United States will soon call forth these personal interests in all their vigor, and all the arts of dissimulation to conceal them. I am weary of the game, yet I don't know how I could live out of it. I don't love slight, neglect, contempt, disgrace, nor insult more than others, yet I believe I have firmness of mind enough to bear it like a man, a hero, a philosopher. I might groan like Achilles, and roll from side to side abed sometimes at the ignorance, folly, injustice, and ingratitude of the world, but I should be resigned, and become more easy and cheerful, and enjoy myself and my friend better than ever I did.” Lamentable indeed it was, that in this latter estimate of himself Adams proved so entirely mistaken, and that, when the time of trial came, his manliness, heroism, and Feb. 15. philosophy so totally failed him. In another letter a

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few days after, not without exhibiting a little anxiety CHAPTER and trepidation lest, after all, Washington might yet be persuaded to stand for a third term, in reply to some 1796. suggestions on the part of his wife of apprehensions for the government if Washington should retire, and of the violence of opposition, to which, if himself chosen president, he might be exposed, Adams writes, "In my opinion, there is no more danger in the change than there would be in changing a member of the Senate, and whoever lives to see it will own me to be a prophet. If Jay or even Jefferson (and one or the other it certainly will be, if the succession should be passed over) should be the man, the government will go on as well as ever. Jefferson could not stir a step in any other system than that which is begun. Jay would not wish it. The votes will run for three persons. Two I have mentioned; the third, being heir-apparent, will not probably be wholly overlooked. If Jefferson and Jay are president and vice-president, as is not improbable, the other retires without noise, or cries, or tears to his farm. If ei ther of these two is president and the other vice-president, he retires without murmur or complaint to his farm forever. If this other should be president, and Jef ferson or Jay vice-president, four years more of resi dence in Philadelphia will be his and your portion, after which we shall probably be desirous of imitating the example of the present pair; or if, by reason of strength and fortitude, eight years should be accomplished, that is the utmost limit of time that I will ever continue in public life at any rate.

"Be of good courage, therefore, and tremble not. I see nothing to appal one, and I feel no ill forebodings or faint misgivings. I have not the smallest dread of private life or of public. If private life is to be my