drawn in to nominate; and I named for our province Mr. Hughes, saying, at the same time, that I knew not whether he would accept of it, but, if he did, I was sure he would execute the office faithfully. I soon after had notice of his appointment. We none of us, I believe, foresaw or imagined, that this compliance with the request of the minister would or could have been called an application of ours, and adduced as a proof of our approbation of the act we had been opposing; otherwise I think few of us would have named at all; I am sure I should not. This, I assure you, and can prove to you by living evidence, is a true account of the transaction in question, which, if you compare with that you have been induced to give of it in your book, I am persuaded you will see a difference that is far from being "a distinction above your comprehension."

Permit me further to remark, that your expression of there being "no positive proofs of my having solicited to obtain such a place for myself," implies that there are nevertheless some circumstantial proofs sufficient at least to support a suspicion. The latter part however of the same sentence, which says, "there is sufficient evidence still existing of my having applied for it in favor of another person," must, I apprehend, if credited, destroy that suspicion, and be considered as positive proof of the contrary; for, if I had interest enough with Mr. Grenville to obtain that place for another, is it likely that it would have been refused me, had I asked it for myself?

There is another circumstance, which I would offer to your candid consideration. You describe me as "changing sides, and appearing at the bar of the House of Commons to cry down the very measure I had espoused, and direct the storm that was falling upon

that minister." As this must have been after my supposed solicitation of the favor for myself or my friend, and Mr. Grenville and Mr. Whately were both in the House at the time, and both asked me questions, can it be conceived, that, offended as they must have been with such a conduct in me, neither of them should put me in mind of this my sudden changing of sides, or remark it to the House, or reproach me with it, or require my reasons for it? And yet all the members then present know, that not a syllable of the kind fell from either of them, or from any of their party.

I persuade myself by this time you begin to suspect you may have been misled by your informers. I do not ask who they are, because I do not wish to have particular motives for disliking people, who in general may deserve my respect. They too may have drawn consequences beyond the information they received from others, and, hearing the office had been given to a person of my nomination, might as naturally suppose I had solicited it, as Dr. Tucker, hearing that I had solicited it, might "conclude" it was for myself.

I desire you to believe, that I take kindly, as I ought, your freely mentioning to me "that it has long appeared to you, that I much exceeded the bounds of morality in the methods I pursued for the advancement of the supposed interests of America." I am sensible there is a good deal of truth in the adage, that our sins and our debts are always more than we take them to be; and though I cannot at present, on examination of my conscience, charge myself with any immorality of that kind, it becomes me to suspect, that what has long appeared to you may have some foundation. You are so good as to add, that, "if it can be proved you have unjustly suspected me, you shall have a satisfaction in acknowledging the error." It is often a thing hard to

prove that suspicions are unjust, even when we know what they are; and harder, when we are unacquainted with them. I must presume, therefore, that, in mentioning them, you had an intention of communicating the grounds of them to me, if I should request it, which I now do, and, I assure you, with a sincere desire and design of amending what you may show me to have been wrong in my conduct, and to thank you for the admonition. In your writings I appear a bad man; but, if I am such, and you can thus help me to become in reality a good one, I shall esteem it more than a sufficient reparation to, Reverend Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.*

A memorandum was found appended to the rough draft of this letter, in the handwriting of the author, dated February 7th, 1775, in which he said; "No answer has yet been received." In a future edition of his work, however, Dean Tucker omitted the offensive passages, but with so ill a grace as almost to take away the little merit there was in rendering so obvious an act of justice. The circumstance is mentioned by him in the preface to a tract, entitled, "A Series of Answers to Certain Popular Objections," published in 1776.

"In the first and second editions of my Fourth Tract," he says, แ unhappily for me, I had charged him with procuring a place for himself in the American stamp-office; whereas, alas! it proved to be not for himself, but for his friend. And, as a poor culprit was thus detected in an offence of so heinous a nature against the eternal truth and rectitude of things, great were the exultations of the Doctor and his patriotic friends. Reader, I plead guilty to the indictment; habes confitentem reum. Therefore I will lay Dr. Franklin's own state of the case before you; and this the rather, because his republican agents and abettors, the MONTHLY REVIEWERS, have dared me to publish his own account; hoping, I suppose, that I had mislaid my voucher."

The Dean then proceeds to make a short extract from Dr. Franklin's letter, instead of publishing the whole; which extract he endeavours to turn to the author's disadvantage. Although the Dean confessed himself in fault, yet, in this pretended reparation, his conduct is so indirect and disingenuous, that nothing can be claimed for him on the score of fairness or magnanimity.- EDITOR.

ON

THE RISE AND PROGRESS

OF THE

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN

AND HER AMERICAN COLONIES.

The following papers, first printed in the Public Advertiser in London, are supposed by William Temple Franklin to have been written about the time of the author's departure for America; but their precise dates have not been ascertained. - EDITOR.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER.

SIR, The enclosed paper was written just before Lord Hillsborough quitted the American department. An expectation then prevailing, from the good character of the noble Lord who succeeded him, that the grievances of the colonies would, under his administration, be redressed, it was laid aside; but, as not a single measure of his predecessor has since been even attempted to be changed, and on the contrary new ones have been continually added, farther to exasperate, render them desperate, and drive them, if possible, into open rebellion, it may not be amiss now to give it to the public, as it shows in detail the rise and progress of those differences, which are about to break the empire in pieces. I am, Sir, yours, &c.,

A. P.

SIR,

It is a bad temper of mind that takes a delight in opposition, and is ever ready to censure ministry in the gross, without discrimination. Charity should be willing to believe, that we never had an administration so bal, but there might be some good and some wise men in t; and that even such is our case at present. The Scripture saith, "By their works shall ye know them." By their conduct, then, in their respective departments, and not by their company or their party connexions, should they be distinctly and separately judged.

One of the most serious affairs to this nation, that has of late required the attention of government, is our misunderstanding with the colonies. They are in the department of Lord Hillsborough, and, from a prevailing opinion of his abilities, have been left by the other ministers very much to his management. If, then, our American business has been conducted with prudence, to him chiefly will be due the reputation of it.

Soon after the late war, it became an object with the ministers of this country to draw a revenue from America. The first attempt was by a Stamp Act. It soon appeared, that this step had not been well considered; that the rights, the ability, the opinions and temper of that great people had not been sufficiently attended to. They complained, that the tax was unnecessary, because their Assemblies had ever been ready to make voluntary grants to the crown in proportion to their abilities, when duly required so to do; and unjust, because they had no representative in the British Parliament, but had Parliaments of their own, wherein their consent was given, as it ought to be, in grants of their own money. I do not mean to enter into this question. The Parliament repealed the act as inexpedient, but in another act asserted a right of