may safely assure His Majesty's Ministers, that no art which Great Britain can put in practice will have the least influence in lessening the attachment of the people of this country to the principles of the alliance. It is true their expectations of powerful assistance this campaign are very high. They saw with some pain last year, that the fleet was withdrawn when the enemy were absolutely at their feet, and when one month's stay would have reduced either New York or Charleston. They look eagerly for the return of the fleet. They generally believe this to be the last campaign in America. There is no knowing what effect a disappointment in this hope would have. I believe, from the present view of things, that they would bear it with fortitude, but I should be sorry to see it put to the trial.

Our trade has suffered astonishingly of late; the influence which this will have upon our internal resources is much to be apprehended. It is to be wished, that France would see the great advantages she would derive from keeping a superiority on this coast, where her fleets would be maintained cheaply while they protected our commerce, and compelled England either to risk her army, or to keep a regular fleet here at five times their expense. Enclosed is a statement of our trade drawn up by Mr Morris. You are requested to communicate this to the Court of Versailles, and to use every means in your power to bring the Court to concur in adopting it.

I also enclose a resolution of Congress, to request you to apply for the prisoners due to us, in order that they may be sent here and exchanged for our seamen, who are confined without the hope of relief. Is it impossible to devise some means for the enlargement of those, who are confined. in England? Can no cartel be settled? Or no means

devised for sending them here to be exchanged? Their

case is really pitiable.

I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON,

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

My Dear Friend,

London, May 25th, 1782.

Yours of the 13th instant I received by Mr Oswald. I did not doubt but that the news of a general and absolute release of the American prisoners, which Lord Shelburne was so good as to communicate to me, in answer to that part of your letter of the 5th of April, in which you speak so pathetically of sweet reconciliation, would give you much sincere and heartfelt pleasure. God send that it may be the happy omen of final reconciliation and durable peace. I should be very happy to hear that good news from you, and in any way to contribute to it. Having on that subject communicated the preliminaries, dated May, 1782, to Lord Shelburne, you may be assured that I have no reservations upon that head respecting America, in any circumstances or condition whatever. You know all my thoughts upon that subject, and the principles upon which they are founded, and therefore that they are not changeable.

It would give me the greatest pleasure, if I could hope for any opportunity of seeing you. I could say many things, which are otherwise incommunicable, and which perhaps would contribute to facilitate the road to peace. I think I see in many parts much matter to work with, out of which a peace, honorable to all parties and upon dura

ble principles, might be established. No degrading or mortifying conditions to shorten peace and rekindle war. Perhaps I might not say too much if I were to add, that simply the adoption of reason among nations, and the mere rectification of obsolete and gothic absurdities, which carry no gratification, would afford a fund of remuneration to all parties for renouncing those objects of mutual contention, which, in the eye of reason, are no better than creatures of passion, jealousy, and false pride. Until the principles of reason and equity shall be adopted in national transactions, peace will not be durable amongst men.

As to the

These are reflections general to all nations. mutual concerns between Great Britain and North America, reconciliation is the touchstone to prove those hearts, which are without alloy. If I can be of any assistance to you, in any communications or explanations conducive to peace, you may command my utmost services. Even if a French Minister were to overhear such an offer, let him not take it in jealous part. Zealously and affectionately attached to my own country and to America, I am nevertheless most perfectly of accord with you, that justice and honor should be observed towards all nations. Mr Oswald will do me the favor to convey this to you. I heartily wish him success in his pacific embassy.

Yours ever most affectionately,

DAVID HARTLEY,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN,

Dear Sir,

Philadelphia, May 30th, 1782.

Since my last of the 22d instant, I have been honored with yours of the 30th of March, together with the letter

from Mr Adams to you enclosed, and the papers, for which I am extremely obliged to you.

I am not at all disappointed at the manner in which the British administration have declared their wish for peace, or at the reluctance they show in parting with this country. To a proud nation the loss of 3,000,000 subjects is mortifying. Every journeyman weaver in every petty village in England conceived himself a sovereign, even while working for the slaves of his supposed subjects. It requires a degree of magnanimity, of which they are. incapable, to surrender with dignity what they are no longer able to hold. But they must suppose the politics of the rest of the world to move upon weaker principles than their own, if they imagine the offers they propose to hold out to the belligerent powers will detach them from their alliance with each other, till all the objects of it are attained. Of what avail would the cessions they made in the West Indies be to France, if we were again connected with England. What security would she have for those cessions, or even for the rest of her islands? What she has offered to Spain I know not. To us she has offered nothing, as I have yet heard, but her friendship and the blessings of her government. A seven years' enmity has taught us to put very little value on the former; and the present happiness of the people of England and Ireland has enabled us to form a just estimate of the latter.

I have told you, that we have nothing to apprehend here from the offers of Britain. I have had no reason since to change that opinion. The way, however, to put it out of doubt is to enable us to expel the enemy from this contiThe task is not difficult, and the object is sufficiently important not to let it depend upon other operations.

nent.

I am instructed to prepare a memorial to the Court of Versailles, on the subject of the prize money due to Paul Jones, and the officers and men that sailed under his command. Continual complaints are made on that subject. Surely M. de Chaumont has had sufficient time to settle this business. I must beg the favor of you to press it, and to draw and present a memorial to the Court, if it cannot otherwise be accomplished. Mr Barclay will have orders to receive the money for them. I enclose an exstract of a letter from Captain Jones on the subject, together with the list of the ships and their force, agreeable to which the division should be made.

I also send his account of the detention of the brigantine Berkenbosch, together with a copy of De Nief's certificate, that the property belonged to British owners. This I think at first view is a sufficient justification of his conduct, and I hope will be deemed satisfactory, especially when it is considered that our courts are open for a further prosecution of the inquiry, if any injury has been unjustly sustained. I shall take the earliest opportunity to inquire into the other cases you, mention. If I am rightly informed, the insult to the Court of Norway is already avenged, the vessels, which are said to have committed it, having been lost at sea. This puts a stop to any further inquiry about it. I shall however endeavor to get this fact more fully ascertained, and write to you again. I should be glad to know on what principle these applications are made to the Court of France. If the powers, who suppose themselves injured, consider us as the subjects of Great Britain, they should carry their complaints to the Court of St James's. If they consider us as independent of them, they should address themselves to us or to you directly.