tors in the revolution; and aware that a strong necessity could alone change the unhappy tendency of the public mind, he was content to pause, and, as he beautifully observed, "to erect a temple to time, to see what would be the event of the American drama."

CHAPTER XXXIA.

THE failure of the imperfect union of the States either "to provide" prospectively "for the common defence," or "to establish justice," has been shown in the preceding narrative. Its utter incompetency "to promote the general welfare," by the protection of the national industry, and of national rights, or "to ensure domestic tranquillity;" thus failing, in every essential particular, "to secure" to the American people "the blessings of liberty," will now

be seen.

The policy to be pursued in their intercourse with other nations would, it may be supposed, early engage the attention of a people by position and habit necessarily commercial. Hence it is perceived that before the declaration of independence, Congress had deliberated upon that subject.

The result of these deliberations was such as was to have been expected under their circumstances. It was a resolution to open the ports of the colonies to the world, excepting the inhabitants, productions, and vessels of Great Britain, and East India tea. This purpose of placing each nation on the footing of "natives," it has been seen, was proposed to France, but was relinquished, and that of the "most favored nation" adopted. This was also the basis of the treaties with Sweden and the Netherlands; in the latter of which, provisions were made defining the state of block

ade, and securing to the people of either country "an entire and perfect liberty of conscience."

But what should be the terms of intercourse with Great Britain, was the most interesting question.

Soon after Oswald had received his commission recognising this country as an independent nation, Jay prepared the plan of a treaty of commerce, which he submitted to him. This plan proposed that it should be on the footing of "natives." The proposition being announced to con. gress by Franklin, was referred.

Instructions were reported,* that "in any commercial stipulations with Great Britain," the commissioners were "to endeavour to obtain a direct commerce with all parts of the British dominions and possessions, in like manner as all parts of the United States may be opened to a direct commerce of British subjects; or at least, that such direct commerce be extended to all parts of the British dominions and possessions in Europe and the West Indies;" and they were informed, "that this stipulation will be particularly expected by congress," in case the footing of natives was admitted. Their attention was again called to this subject by a letter from Adams, in which, after reminding them of the revocation of his former powers, he urged the appointment of a resident minister at London; and having referred to the injustice which would be done to him who was the first object of his country's choice, should any other be appointed, he indicates to that body the qualifications necessary for an American foreign minister gene

* By Madison.

"In the first place, he should have had an education in classical learn. ing, and in the knowledge of general history, ancient and modern, and particularly the history of France, England, Holland, and America. He should be well versed in the principles of ethics, of the law of nature and nations, of legislation and government, of the civil Roman law, of the laws of England and the United States, of the public law of Europe, and in the letters,

rally, and above all, to the court of St. James." This remarkable despatch was referred to a committee of which Hamilton was chairman. His views on this subject had

memoirs, and histories of those great men who have heretofore shone in the diplomatic order, and conducted the affairs of nations and the world. He should be of an age to possess a maturity of judgment arising from experience in business. He should be active, attentive, and industrious, and above all, he should possess an upright heart, and an independent spirit, and should be one who decidedly makes the interest of his country-not the policy of any other nation, nor his own private ambition or interest, or those of his family, friends, and connections—the rule of his conduct.

"We hear so much said about a genteel address, and a facility in speaking the French language, that one would think a dancing master and a French master the only tutors necessary to educate a statesman. Be it remembered, the present revolution, neither in America nor Europe has been accomplished by elegant bows, nor by fluency in French, nor will any great thing ever be effected by such accomplishments alone. A man must have something in his head to say before he can speak to effect, how ready soever he may be at utter. ance. And if the knowledge is in his head and the virtue in his heart, he will never fail to find a way of communicating his sentiments to good purpose. He will always have excellent translators ready, if he wants them, to turn his thoughts into any language he desires.

"As to what is called a fine address, it is seldom attended to after a first or second conversation, and even in these it is regarded no more by men of sense of any country than another thing, which I heard disputed with great vivacity among the officers of the French frigate, the SENSIBLE. The question was, what were the several departments of an ambassador and a secretary of legation. After a long and shrewd discussion, it was decided by a majority of votes, that the secretary's part was to do the business, and that of an ambassador * . This decision produced a laugh among the company, and no ideas of the kind will ever produce any thing else among men of understanding.

"It is very true that it is possible that a case may happen, that a man may serve his country by a bribe well placed, or an intrigue

*. But it is equally true, that a man's country will be sold and be trayed a thousand times by this infamous commerce, where it will be once served. It is very certain that we shall never be a match for European statesmen in such accomplishments for negotiation, any more than, I must and will add, they will equal us in any solid abilities, virtues, and application to business, if we choose wisely among the excellent characters with which our country abounds."-7 D. C. 21.

long been formed; he was of the opinion that it ought to be "the basis of our commercial system not to make particular sacrifices, nor to expect particular favours." Though the advocate of a reciprocal freedom of commerce, it has been seen that he was fully sensible of the importance of the power of protecting the peculiar interests of a community where, from the previous colonial restrictions, there was little diversity in the pursuits of industry.

But the powers of the confederacy were inadequate to this object, the policy of England was not developed, and, until those powers were enlarged and that policy disclosed, he felt that a temporary arrangement would be most expedient.

Under this conviction, and not satisfied by the despatch from Adams, of the wisdom of intrusting to him the sole conduct of so important a negotiation, he reported a resolution* that Franklin and Jay should be empowered with him, or either of them in the absence of the others, "to enter into a treaty of commerce between the United States of America and Great Britain, subject to the revisal of the contracting parties previous to its final conclusion; and in the mean time, to enter into a commercial convention to continue in force one year," and "that the secretary for foreign affairs should lay before congress, without delay," a plan of a treaty of commerce, and instructions to be transmitted to the commissioners.

This plan proposed a direct commerce with Great Britain, except as to such articles, the importation or exportation of which might be prohibited in all her dominions, excepting the territories of the East India and Hudson's Bay companies; the subjects of Great Britain paying the same duties in the United States as the citizens of the

*May 1, 1783.