ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.-The abolition decree of the great council of England was passed in 1102. The memorable Irish decree," that all the English slaves in the whole of Ireland be immediately emancipated, and restored to their former liberty," was issued in 1171. Slavery in England was abolished by a general charter of emancipation in 1381. In 1766 slavery was abolished in Prussia by special edict. In St. Domingo, Cayenne, Guadeloupe, and Martinique, in 1794, where more than 600,000 slaves were emancipated by the French government. In Java, 1811; in Ceylon, 1815; in Buenos Ayres, 1816; in St. Helena, 1816; in Colombia, 1821; by the Congress of Chili, in 1821; in Cape Colony, 1823; in Malacca, 1825; in the southern provinces of Birmah, 1826; in Peru, Guatemala, and Monte Video, 1821; in Jamaica, Barbadoes, Bermudas, Bahamas, the Mauritius, St. Christopher's, Nevis, the Virgin Islands, Antigua, Monserrat, Dominica, St. Vincents, Grenada, Berbice, Tobago, St. Lucia, Trinidad, Honduras, Demarara, and the Cape of Good Hope, on the 1st of August, 1834. In our own country, the Legislature of Pennsylvania passed an act of abolition in 1780; Connecticut, in 1784; Rhode Island, 1784; New York, 1799; New Jersey, in 1804; Vermont, by Constitution, in 1774; Massachusetts, in 1789; and New Hampshire, in 1784.-Anti-Slavery Standard. THE MISSOURI. THE SLAVE SHACKLES.-A respectable and trustworthy correspondent writes to us :-"A few weeks ago a letter was published in the Watchman from your American correspondent, in which the writer denied the statement relative to the finding of slave shackles in the wreck of the Missouri, destroyed some time ago at Gibraltar; you will, therefore, probably attach some importance to the following statement, made by a gentleman now residing at Gibraltar, and who has been there for many years. The veracity of the statement I believe may be trusted; and I fear it places that fact, so displeasing and dishonourable to the American nation, in such a light that it can no longer be questioned. It is extracted from a letter dated Gibraltar, November 30th, 1845, and given in reply to an enquiry as to the fact in question: 'With reference to the American steamer that was burnt here, the Missouri, it is a melancholy truth that she had thousands of shackles on board of her. The gentleman who has conducted the diving process assured me of the fact; indeed, he gave me three of them of different sizes,-for a child, middle size, and a large person. The bulk of them are yet in the wreck under the water.'"--Watchman. : PROFITS OF THE SLAVE TRADE.-On the East Coast of Africa, negroes are usually paid for in money, sometimes in "tazendas," coarse cottons, at a cost of about eighteen dollars for men, twelve for boys. At Rio Janeiro, their value may be estimated at 500 milreis, or 507., for men; 400 milreis, or 417. 10s., for women; 300 milreis, or 317., for boys. Thus, on a cargo of 500, at the mean price, the profit will exceed 19,000l. Cost price of 500, at fifteen dollars, or 31. 58. each,1,6257. Selling price at Rio of 500, at 417. 10s. each, 20,7507. "Es un comercio terrible," remarked Antonio. The epithet thus applied by him to the commerce, literally taken, though strictly appropriate, would be far from expressing his meaning, viz., that it is extremely lucrative. The pay of the crew in the Progreso, as shown by her papers, was at the rate of twenty-five milreis, or 21. 128. per month; to which the Spaniards say a present of 500 milreis to each person would have been added on the issue of a successful voyage.-Forty Days on board a Slaver. NEW MARKET FOR AMERICAN COTTON.-The Courrier Français states, that a treaty of commerce was signed at Naples on the 3rd instant, between the United States and the Neapolitan Government, by which American cotton will hereafter be subject to an import duty of six ducats, in place of twenty. The wines of Naples and Sicily will be admitted into the United States on paying the same duties as the wines of other nations. FREDERICK DOUGLASS, writing from England, says :- -"One of the most pleasing features of my visit thus far, has been a total absence of all manifestations of prejudice against me on account of my color. The change of circumstances in this is particularly striking. I go on stage coaches, omuibusses, steamboats, into the first cabins, and into the first public-houses, without seeing the slightest manifestation of that hateful and vulgar feeling against me. I find myself not treated as a color, but as a man-not as a thing, but as a child of the common Father of us all." -A. and F. Anti-Slavery Reporter. Davies, Samuel 1 0 0 4 1 50 0 000 0 10 0 100 100 1 0 0 0 10 0 200 1 0 0 15 0 10 0 10 0 0 10 1 0 0 0500050 1011201 0 0 2 0 0 15 0 1 09304001 0 1 0 Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society THE RUSSIANS AND CIRCASSIANS. The Journal des Débats publishes a letter from St. Petersburg, of the 30th ult., which states, that the Russian cruisers in the Black Sea no longer prevent, as they Escape of Slaves in the French have hitherto done, the exportation of young girls from Circassia and Anatolis, to be sold as slaves to the Turks. "It will be remembered," says the writer of that letter, "that the obstacles which the Russian government threw in the way of that shameful commerce constituted one of the principal causes of the hatred of the Circassians against Russia." The Malay Slave Trade 20 20 21 PAGE Fate of poor Torrey..... ........... 22 Free Labour Cotton Manufacture.. 24 LEADERS................................... ......... 24 .......... Biography-Rev. William Knibb.. 26 The Crew of the Caroline........ 27 HOME INTELLIGENCE 28 COLONIAL INTELLIGENCE 29 ............ FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE........ 29 MISCELLANEA ...... ........ 31 Subscriptions and Donations 32 Printed by JACOB UNWIN, of 33, Dowgate Hill, in the City of London, at his Printing Office, 31, Bucklersbury, in the parish of St. Stephen Walbrook, in the City of London, and published by PETER JONES BOLTON, of No. 8, Kennington Terrace, Kennington Lane, in the county of Surrey, at No. 27, New Broad Street, in the Parish of St. Botolphi, Bishopsgate, in the City of London. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1846. Sold by W. Everett, 14, Finch Lane, and 17, Royal Exchange. THE ANTI-SLAVERY REPORTER. UNDER THE SANCTION OF THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. VOL. I.-No. III.-NEW SERIES. THE WEST INDIES. MARCH 2, 1846. During the period that Lord Stanley was colonial minister, but few papers relative to the West Indies were presented to Parlia- | ment. It was therefore impossible to form a correct judgment, from official documents, of the working of the free system which had been established; or to discover the true grounds on which the noble lord acted in reference to the great questions of immigration and taxation, which have so much excited the minds and pressed upon the resources of the colonists. .....' In consequence of the indisposition manifested by Lord Stanley to lay the usual papers before parliament, Mr. Hawes, during the last session, moved for sundry papers, and we are gratified in being able to report that a selection from the later despatches of the respective governors of the colonies, and from the reports of the atipendiary magistrates, has been printed for the use of the house of commons and of the public. We must, however, express our regret that a larger amount of information has not been given, and that we are, consequently, unable to present a full view of the actual state of the colonies to our readers, from the returns before us. PRICE 5d. vary, of course, in the different districts of the parish." Parish of St. Elizabeth.-"Labour has been easily obtained, and at much cheaper rates than at any previous period since freedom; and there is every reason to expect that on the sugar estates average crops will be made at much lower rates than heretofore." Parish of St. James—“In a communication I have recently had from one of the most respectable and intelligent proprietors in this parish, he informs me that the rate of wages has been lowered since the 1st of August, and the supply of labour is sufficient. The general rate of wages may be stated as averaging a little more than 1s. per day, the former state of wages, as reported in other returns, being 1s. 4d. a day." Parish of Manchester.-" There has been, generally, a reduction in the price of labour; for instance, the fruit is picked and brought from the field to the barbacues for 9d. per bushel instead of 1s., the price hitherto paid. There is a superabundance of labour. I mean by superabundance, more than enough to meet the means of the holders of plantations." Parish of St. Ann.-"The people are industrious when they are fairly paid, and when their services are required, and when not engaged in the cultivation of their own fields. The rate of labour may be considered as established at 1s. per day, for effective hands; job In the present article we shall confine our attention to Jamaica, and task-work, however, prevail on most estates; and where anyand reserve the other colonies for a future number. "For a series of years," says his lordship, "the difficulties attendant on change in our social system have been aggravated by unfavourable seasons. The influx of capital into the colony has been checked, and the inhabitants have failed to reap the full benefit of the improvements lately introduced in the cultivation and manufacture of our staples ;" and adds, "Present appearances warrant the expectation that the labours of the agriculturists are at length about to be rewarded with a more abundant return; and I earnestly hope, that while we unite in gratitude to Providence for the blessings vouchsafed to us, all classes of the community will cordially and harmoniously co-operate in turning them to account." The reports of the stipendiary magistrates are not constructed upon the same principle. Each of these functionaries appears to be at liberty to give or to withhold such information as he may possess, or can obtain. Hence it follows, that whilst the communications of some are tolerably full, others are extremely meagre of details; and, therefore, we cannot draw a single perfectly satisfactory conclusion as to the actual state of Jamaica. On a most important subject, the supply and price of labour, we make the following extracts:-Parish of Port Royal"Wages have fallen of late, the negroes are disposed to take less than demanded some months ago. In picking coffee when it first comes in they get 1s. 6d. per bushel; as it ripens and becomes more abundant, they get 1s. per bushel; and when the heavy picking arrives, it is reduced to 9d., which is the lowest sum they are paid. When employed in day labour, they receive 1s.; hitherto it has been 1s. 6d. Masons' and carpenters' wages continue as before; they earn from 2s. to 2s. 6d. per day, and first-rate hands 76-88. Sawyers are paid £9. 128. per 1,000 feet for hard wood, and £7. 4s. for cedar. Parish of St. James-"Wages may be said to be somewhat lower than they were last year; but they A thing like a wise and judicious system is pursued in the management of the estates, things generally go on satisfactorily between all the parties concerned." From the other parishes in Jamaica we have no returns on this point; there is, however, a very satisfactory account given by the stipendiary magistrate of the Parsih of St. David, as to the working of the "Métairie system," where it has been tried. It is as follows: "The 'Métairie' system is likely to succeed on Windsor Castle Estate; the manager, Mr. John M'Lean, states, "this system is continuing in the most satisfactory and flourishing manner, the canes are in the highest state of cultivation, and although much retarded by the continued drought at the beginning of the year, still promise to yield an abundant crop. There are sixty-five acres of plants established, which will be fit to manufacture the first week in February next, and are estimated to produce one hundred hogsheads of sugar; the contractors are so satisfied with the result of their steady exertions, that they have engaged all the available cane land on the estate; they express their determination not to lose a single plant from the canes when cutting, and as they are already preparing the land, he expects they will have in one hundred and fifty acres for the crop after this. The manager further states, he is in correspondence with the proprietor on the subject of placing the coffee fields on the same system, and only waits his sanction to carry it into effect, as the people are quite eager to enter into the arrangement. These people deserve great praise for their steady and industrious habits." In reference to the general conduct of the emancipated negros the magistrates, with one exception, report that they are "conducting themselves with great propriety;" that "there is certainly a moral improvement in the labouring class," that in most districts crime is decreasing; and that the convictions are chiefly for petty offences. The desire to possess freeholds is unabated. The negros still continue "to purchase small pieces of land,” and to reside on their little properties. It is believed, however, that "eventually these small freeholders will be conducive to the supply of labor." The internal commerce of the country is increasing. During the late drought in Jamaica, labour was so superabundant, that in the parish of Vere able labourers employed in hoeing and cleaning canes could be had at three pence per day. During that period the poorer classes suffered much. So much for the official report on this point. We add a few additional particulars from an independent source: "The exports of the present year" (1845), says Mr. George 66 66 from the present time, the largest amount of produce ever exported from Jamaica in one year." Mr. Price is entitled to be heard on these points. He is a resident and a successful planter in Jamaica. He has shown what can be done on his own estate; and no one has yet been found hardy enough to question his statements. The negros have been blamed; Mr. Price shows unjustly blamed, and, broadly hints at some of the causes which have led them to seek refuge in their own freeholds from the tyranny and injustice of their masters. He thus states the case: "We do not say that the exaction of sometimes a doubled, trebled, nay quadrupled rent from a labourer, who did not conduct himself as we liked (we know this to have taken place); that the taking away the doors, windows, &c., of a house, and uprooting of his garden produce, (we vouch for this also); that the paying of the labourers for their services with extreme irregularity—that sometimes not paying them at all— and that the occasional settlement of a long deferred account by making the labourer "take it out" in beef, salt fish, and clothing would warrant the impropriety of the labourers leaving the estates to go to ruin; but we will admit that half the labouring population has ceased to work for the sugar estates, and that, therefore, the deficiency must be supplied; but we cannot admit that the public can be called on now to supply the place of those labourers with cheap foreign labour." Like a wise man, he recommends that now the power of the whip is gone, and the labourers cannot be coerced to work night and day, as in past times, the power of machinery should be tried-that the plough, the horse-hoe, the light tramroad, &c., should be used, and that it requires no prophet to predict the greatness of its success. Smith, a practical planter in Jamaica, in his admirable pamphlet an opinion, and we repeat it, that what immigration cannot effect, on Capital or Immigration,' "have been about 50,000 tons of capital can, and that without the addition of a single labourer, a sugar. It is indisputable, that there is in the country sufficient judicious expenditure of capital, and the observance of a common labour to grow and manufacture that quantity of sugar; or, accord-sense system of agriculture, the exports would equal, in five years ing to the old calculation, that there has been labour enough to cultivate 50,000 acres of land, to manufacture 50,000 tons of sugar, and to maintain and keep up 600 manufactories and more. "That labour," he adds, "is available and is working," and might be made to produce "double the exports (say 100,000 tons) without any material novel improvements, but with the occasional adoption of means well known to produce the desired results." Under the present system of cultivation, Mr. Price asserts there is a great waste of human labour, a great want of economical management, and great need of capital. Labourers are now employed in doing the work of the plough and of cattle. "Is the plough," Mr. Price asks, “universally in use where the land will allow it? Certainly not; and why not? Because the proprietor cannot, or will not, purchase cattle, but is willing to give you as many immigrants as you please at the public expense. Who has not heard the manager of an estate say, that he could not plough because he had not cattle enough, but that he should open the land with the hoe? Is it a want of capital or of labour that prevents his opening his land much more efficiently with a plough with six hands and at twelve shillings per acre, at the most, or that permits of his employing thirty or forty days' labour, and spending sixty-four shillings per acre?" And what is true of this particular branch of agriculture is not less so of other departments of labour; the hands and the heads of negroes are made to do the work of cattle, the consequence is inefficiency and great increase of expense in the production of sugar, both of which might be remedied by the horse-hoe, and the light plough, and such other mechanical contrivances as common sense cannot fail to suggest. But not only, to use the words of Mr. Price, is there "a profligate waste of labour" in Jamaica, but utter want of economy in management. After stating "the cattle of sugar estate to be its great moving power," he observes, "they are generally ill-fed, seldom drafted to the pen-keeper at a proper age, and are frequently allowed to die in the yoke." From the want of common care and attention on the part of the overseers or managers, we have," says Mr. Price, seen them put to work on sugar estates, and perish one after the other! We have known the mills stopped, and the cane carts and their drivers lying idle, and the best season for making sugar steal rapidly away, for the want of cattle to carry them to the mill, and the sugar to the wharf, at the same time. We have seen meagre and inefficient cattle keep the sugar wagons and their drivers three days on the road, when one only was necessary. We have known supplies wanted on the estates lying at the wharf; the steam engine stopped for want of coals; the buildings neglected from inability to carry materials to repair them; the still-house out of fuel; the boiling-house fires unaided by dry fuel when the trash was damp; the fences neglected; valuable manure lost and uncollected; and the usual decrease of the cattle doubled or trebled! Can any one believe that there is not here a vast waste of the labour demanded by estates when these, or even a few of these things, occur? A waste of money, and a great unhinging of the whole estate, and a lavish waste of the labour employed about these cattle. As far as our observation goes," he adds, we say that there are few estates where most of these evils do not exist; that the cattle are generally inefficient from want of money to purchase them when wanted, and to feed them properly." What a picture have we here of Jamaica plantership and mismanagement! Well may Mr. Price say, "Proprietors and others in England can scarcely understand this, and will scarcely enter into the full truth of the assertion." And yet this witness is true. In further illustration of his views, Mr. Price asserts, that "five or six times more manual labour, and twenty-five times more animal labour than is necessary" is devoted to the conveyance of canes to the mills; that the mills are in so defective a state that there is a loss of from ten to fifteen per cent. of the produce in manufacture; that the boiling houses are generally in the same state, "as they were in slavery time;" that there is but one vacuum pan among 600 boiling houses; that the trash is usually carried from the mill on negros' heads, "because there is a great want of labour;" that the buildings are allowed to go out of repair for want of proper care; that the steam engines in the colony are “generally old and defective ;" and that from want of "minor supplies," or "duplicates," "the whole estate will be at a stand still." Mr. Price cries out lustily for capital, and its prompt and judicious application. On this point he says, "We have expressed 66 But as it is a common practice for certain planters of the old school to throw all the blame of short crops on the negros, and to represent them as rapacious in their demands for wages, and indolent in their habits, it is with sincere pleasure we quote a passage from the speech of Mr. Smith, a native of Jamaica, and the originator of the rail-road which has been recently opened in that colony, in their defence. In the presence of the governor, the speaker of the House of Assembly, the Vice-chancellor, and a large body of the members of the legislature and planters, he said::"Look at our workshops, filled with tools such as were never seen in Jamaica. Look at the crowds of native youths brought to us to be indented apprentices, and whom a few years will produce to you as skilled engineering artizans; and, above all, let me call to your particular notice the triumphant refutation which these works furnish to the assertion that the enfranchised negro will not work for wages. Gentlemen, this is a subject on which I could be eloquent. We never have known what it is to want willing and continuous labor. We have had constantly at work 500 people, not confined to any particular class, (cheers) but we have had mechanics and even small freeholders from St. Dorothy, working side by side with men who were before the constant inhabitants of the workhouse. (loud cheers.) I have put tools into their hands, and they have learnt in a few days to use them with the ablest. These 500 freemen have done the work of 1500 slaves! (loud cheering.) These are the means we would use to increase the labor of the country; this is our doctrine of economical immigration." Mr. Smith perfectly agrees with Mr. Price, that capital and machinery are the only things wanting to make Jamaica prosperAnother gentleman connected with the works, on the same occasion, in terminating his speech, said, "he could not conclude without bearing testimony what 'noble fellows' the negros were. Yes, treat them fairly, honourably, equitably and no body of men can be found more reasonable, orderly, and industrious than they. ous. MEMORIAL TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE Sir, The committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society avail themselves of the occasion presented by your accession to the high office of colonial minister, to draw your attention to certain points of great practical importance in connexion with its administration; and respectfully to submit to your consideration the views which they entertain thereon: those points are West India legislation, the stipendiary magistracy, and colonial immigration. First:-With respect to West India legislation. The committee have to remark that whilst they are of opinion that in some of the colonies, as in Antigua especially, the laws regulating the relations between masters and servants require revision to bring them into harmony with the Royal Order in Council relating to contracts enacted in 1838; they have to express their regret that in other colonies, as in Trinidad and British Guiana, attempts should have been made, and they fear with some degree of success, to alter that law in favour of the masters. The committee conceive it to be of immense importance that no law should be permitted to exist in any of the British colonies on this subject which should give unprincipled or self-interested men the power of imposing upon the ignorant or unwary; and that every guarantee, compatible with fairness and impartiality to all parties concerned, should be insisted upon by her majesty's government in the enactment of laws; that the labourers whether native or immigrant, should be protected from fraud in their contracts; and enjoy the full right of selecting their employments and employers, without let or hindrance on the part of the authorities. But this they could not do were it permitted that contracts might be made either in or out of the colonies for a longer period than twelve months, as set forth in the Order in council referred to. In relation to vagrant laws the committee also regret to perceive a disposition on the part of the predominant portion of the colonists to make them more stringent than her majesty's government thought either desirable or necessary when the final abolition of Slavery took place in the colonies. To add to the rigour of the Order of Council of 1838, relating to vagrancy would in their opinion be to trench on the just liberty of the emancipated classes, and to place them within the power of their former masters. The committee therefore trust that her majesty's government will steadily resist every attempt of this kind. tration of the laws in cases where their interests or their prejudices come into conflict with their duty. Thirdly:-With respect to colonial immigration. On this point the committee see no reason to alter the judgment they have formed and expressed in their various memorials they have forwarded to her majesty's government. They are satisfied, and events are rapidly confirming the soundness of their opinion, that any species of immigration which is not wholly free on the part of the labourer, and the expenses of which are not borne either by the immigrants themselves or by those who need their services, is altogether wrong in principle; and when they add to this the character of the immigration which has already taken place into Mauritius, Guiana, Trinidad and Jamaica, and the deplorable evils which have resulted therefrom, they venture to say that it is not only wrong in principle, but unwise in policy; and that the sooner it is brought to a termination, the better it will be for the honour of the government, and the general welfare and prosperity of the colonies. In conclusion, sir, I am requested to add, that the committee will feel honoured in being permitted to pay their respects to you on your entrance on the duties of your high office, and of laying before you those further considerations which press upon their minds on the questions referred to, and on which they have long felt the deepest interest. I have, therefore, sir, to solicit on behalf of the committee the honour of an interview with you whenever it may suit your convenience to receive a deputation. I have the honour to be, sir, on behalf of the committee, LEGISLATION IN TRINIDAD. Having set forth their opinions on certain laws enacted in Trinidad and British Guiana addressed to the right honourable Lord Stanley, when in office, they beg to forward copies of the same for your EXTRACTS FROM MEMORIALS PRESENTED TO LORD STANLEY, information. On the subject of laws generally, the committee would venture to suggest the desirableness of having one code for all the colonies, and to allow of no special legislation but such as is perfectly unavoidable. The veto which her majesty possesses might be constitutionally used for the accomplishment of this desirable purpose. At present it is hardly possible to know the precise state of the law in any of the colonies, or to speak with certainty upon many points relating to them. REFERRED TO IN THE LETTER TO MR. GLADSTONE, "The following enactments have a close connexion with and dependance upon each other, and are regarded not only with alarm by the committee, but with extreme repugnance, by their friends in Trinidad. "1st.—The Immigration Loan Ordinance. This important measure was passed on the 9th of December last. It was brought in, and carried through all its stages, at a single sitting of the council, the standing rules having been suspended that it might be read a third time and passed. Yet, by this ordinance, a sum of £250,000 is to be raised, in the money market, and repaid with the interest accruing thereon, in a period of twenty-five years, out of a produce tax, without giving the public the smallest amount of time for considering its provisions, or how the introduction of masses of labourers which it contemplates, would be likely to affect the general interests of the island, or the material and moral well-being of its labouring population. It is true the treasurer of the colony made an attempt to prevent the ordinance passing through its last stage, on what appears to the committee to have been just grounds; viz. that differing in several essential particulars from the previous one, which had been sent home and disallowed, it should have been reprinted; that time should be given to the public to form a correct opinion of the measure; and that the usual forms of the board in passing ordinances, should be observed, But in this he was overborne by the interference of the acting colonial secretary and immigration agent of the colony, who stated that "Lord Stanley was very anxious that this bill should pass, and be sent home;" distribution of the public taxes, raised for the due administration of the civil affairs of the several colonies, remove a great and cry-wished the council to pass the bill." Now, the committee are and by his excellency the governor, who added, that "Lord Stanley ing evil. The committee have not thought it necessary to notice in detail the character of the police and appeal laws of the colonies, because of their intimate connexion with those of contract and vagrancy, and the necessity you, sir, will feel of considering them together, in order to obtain a just view of the relations which at present obtain between masters and servants: neither have the committee directed your particular attention to the laws relating to the public taxes, not because they undervalue their importance, but because they form a new and important feature in colonial legislation, and present too many points of importance to be dwelt on in the present communication. A comparison, however, of the tariffs which existed before emancipation and those last enacted, will show the enormous burdens now thrown upon the shoulders of the labouring classes. These burdens are felt to be the more galling, inasmuch as a large part of them is intended for the exclusive benefit of those who possess the legislative power, and who do not in any way represent their interests or their wishes. Thecommittee trust the government will control this injustice, and by an equitable : persuaded, that, however desirous your lordship might have been, Secondly:- With respect to the stipendiary magistrates, the that such an ordinance should pass, they are convinced that you committee regret to find that an effort is being made in some of the will not approve of the course pursued by the council in hurrying colonies to restrict their power and jurisdiction in cases between it through its various stages with such breathless haste, and in masters and servants. Although the committee have had to com- violation of the standing rules of the council, so important an plain frequently of the acts of the members of that body, yet, enactment. Looking at the present constitution of the Legislative considering the principle on which they were appointed to be sound, Council of Trinidad, the committee are persuaded, that it does not and feeling the absolute necessity of having a body of independent and cannot represent the general sentiment and feeling of the functionaries in the colonies amenable to the crown only for the colony. With the exception of the government functionaries, the right discharge of their duties, the committee would earnestly board is composed of a class of persons, whose personal interests, hope that nothing will be allowed to curtail their powers and super- are in most, if not in all respects, opposed to the general good. sede them in their office. The committee are satisfied that from Nor have the committee failed to observe on the part of those who among the colonists engaged in agriculture and commerce, men from their position should operate as a check on the colonial memcannot be found who might be safely entrusted with the adminis-bers, the desire too frequently manifested of acting in conformity with their suggestions and wishes. To your lordship, then, the committee, and all who in the colony are unrepresented and unheard at the council board, look to correct the evils of a hasty and vicious legislation, and to secure substantial justice to all parties. "2ndly.—The Appeal Ordinance. Under the semblance of conferring a right, the committee feel persuaded, this measure will inflict a wrong. To them it is obvious that the right of appeal, from the decisions of the stipendiary magistrates, though made general by the ordinance, is intended for the special benefit of the planters, and not for the advantage of the labourers, who require all the protection that an independent and influential body of magistrates can give them. It is a well-known fact, that the planters and merchants of Trinidad, representing non-resident proprietors, West India houses, and mortgagees in this country, have long felt dissatisfied with the special magistrates, and have sought by every act to supplant them, in the administration of justice between employers and labourers, by local justices, that is, by themselves, that they might secure the executive power of the laws in their own hands. But supposing the necessity of a court of appeal to exist in Trinidad, it appears to the committee that men should be elected to preside over them, altogether free from local prejudices and local interests, and subject only to the control of the crown. But what is the case under the present ordinance? The judges, whose numbers, duties, and emoluments have recently been placed under the control of the governor in council, subject to the approval of the crown, are appointed to discharge the duties of the appeal courts. Now, the two assistant judges of Trinidad, as your lordship is aware, were for many years planters, and are known to have largely imbibed the opinions, and contracted the habits of that class of persons. From them, unbiassed judgments between masters and servants can scarcely be expected. Under this ordinance appeals can only be heard in three districts-Port of Spain, St. Joseph's, and San Fernando. Those who have local acquaintance with the colony, and the difficulty of access to those places from the remoter parts of the colony, in consequence of the badness of the roads and the expense of travelling, will be convinced that only the more wealthy and influential portion of the community can avail themselves of the assistance of these appeal courts; and that by far the largest number of persons will rather endure injustice in the first instance, than lose their time and expenses in seeking uncertain justice in the second. Besides, your lordship will observe, that it is required by section 10 of all parties who enter an appeal against the opinions of the stipendiary magistrates, either to deposit five pounds, or enter into a recognizance over and above the amount of any penalty they may have been condemned to pay, with one surety in a sum not exceeding five pounds, subject to the same regulation as to penalty to prosecute the appeal. This may very easily be done by the master, but not by the servant. In the majority of cases, there can be no doubt the labourers would be debarred the appeal by this circumstance alone. * "3rdly. The Contract Ordinance. This insidious measure may be regarded as a repeal of all the protective parts of the royal order in council of 1838, regulating contracts in the crown colonies. By consulting sections 1 and 2, your lordship will find that there is scarcely an offence, however trifling, any servant may commit, which may not easily be made and punished as a criminal offence. Your lordship will also perceive by section 3, for the first time since the abolition of slavery, domestic servants, and even laundresses are to be subject to its control. In fact, it is so constructed as to bring every class of labourers within the power of their employers; and may, and undoubtedly will, be used for bad purposes. By section 11, it is enacted, that all contracts for service, made out of the colony, whether in Great Britain or Ireland, Europe, the United States, the British possessions in North America, or within the limits of any parts of Asia (and the committee are informed of any part of Africa also), from which her majesty may be pleased to allow emigration, shall be valid for an unlimited period of time. Were the committee not convinced to the contrary by the discussions which took place on this point, they must have attributed the insertion of such a clause in the ordinance to inadvertence; but with the fact before them, that an attempt was made to limit the duration of such contracts to one year, and that it was refused; there can be no doubt that it was designed. The committee need not point out to your lordship the operation of such an enactment in the case of ignorant coolies, Africans, and others, who might be led into contracts of service for periods of years; nor of the necessity of peremptorily refusing to depart from the terms of the contract law of the colony as enacted in 1838. By Sections 15 and 17, jurisdiction it given to the local justices concurrently with the stipendiary magistrates in all cases involving questions in dispute between masters and servants. It is scarcely necessary for the committee to point out the abuses which may arise from this enactment, as your lordship will not fail to perceive that, practically, it will place the entire labouring population in the hands of their employers. To such an arrangement, the committee trust her majesty's government will never accede. In their judgment, it would neither be wise nor equitable, that any class of functionaries should adjudicate in cases between masters and servants, but such as are thoroughly independent of both, and subject to no other control than that of the crown." LEGISLATION IN BRITISH GUIANA. "As there appears a determination manifested in several colonies to legislate anew on the subjects directly associated with the relations between masters and servants, they would respectfully urge the subject on your lordship's serious consideration, in the hope that no measures emanating from the colonies will be allowed but such only as fully harmonize with the great act of emancipation, and are at the same time in strict accordance with the royal ordinances relating to vagrancy, contracts, &c., passed in October, 1838. For all just and honourable purposes those enactments are adequate; they are protective, on the one hand, of the interests of the labourers, and on the other, of the rights of the employers. To disturb them the committee believe would be both unwise and dangerous. "For the preservation of the rights acquired by the emancipated labourers a special magistracy was deemed absolutely necessary, and although many of the appointments made under the law were open to most serious objection, yet the principle on which the body was constituted was so just and wise, that the evil was borne for the sake of the good it effected. It has, as your lordship is aware, been an object of intense desire, on the part of the colonists, to supersede the functionaries appointed by the crown or its representatives, and by failing to accomplish that, to secure such of themselves as were in the commission of the peace, concurrent jurisdiction and power with the crown magistrates, and in other ways to interfere with their proceedings and decisions. In Trinidad, your lordship is aware, that has been the case; and in a recent enactment of the court of policy, of British Guiana, (No. 19, 1845,) a similar attempt has been made. By the 3rd clause of that ordinance it is enacted, that it shall and may be lawful for each and every justice of the peace in British Guiana, appointed by his excellency the governor, to act under and in pursuance of this ordinance. Now, when the nature of this ordinance is considered, the delinquencies which it indicates for punishment, and the power with which it invests a single magistrate, it appears to the committee to be both unreasonable and unjust, that its administration should in any way be confided to the local justices. "The committee are aware that, for the purposes of this ordinance, his excellency the governor has in the first instance appointed only the stipendiary magistrates, but provision is made in it for the appointment of any class of justices, to carry its important enactments into effect. Against this arrangement the committee venture to object, believing the planter-magistrates, as a body, to be utterly disqualified by their education, their habits, and their interests, for the right discharge of so onerous a duty. "In the enumeration of the delinquencies which are punishable by fine or imprisonment under this ordinance, the committee would point out to your lordship the following, as in their judgment extremely exceptionable, viz.: endangering property by the negligent use of fire; entering upon any land or building without the permission of the occupier thereof, and refusing, after warning, to quit the same; any indecent gesture or expression, or profane eursing and swearing on the public road or highway, or elsewhere; or any violent or abusive language; endangering the safety of travellers by improper stowage of articles on carts or carriages; discharging or firing any gun, pistol, or other fire-arms on the public road or highway, or near thereto. "On these points they would observe, in the first place, that where no injury is done, either to property or person, it appears to the committee that no punishment ought to be inflicted; but from the foregoing enumeration, whatever may be considered by a single magistrate as endangering property by the negligent use of fire, or travellers by improper stowage, is punishable by fine or imprisonment, at the discretion of the presiding justice, though no injury |