right to say that the most distinguished leaders of the Alliance have been invited by circular to attend this meeting, to hear what might be said. Mr. Thompson and Mr. Douglass here entered the hall, and were received with loud cheers.

Mr. LLOYD GARRISON was here called upon, who, on rising, was loudly cheered. He said-If ever I desired strength to meet a great and solemn emergency, it is now. I remember I am here, the representative of 3,000,000 of men in the galling chains of slavery. Would you could see them here, and see slavery, in deed and in truth, what it is! The subject is important. We are not met for a sectarian purpose; we are not met to indulge in expressions of anger that we were shut out from the Alliance; we are here to look at this Alliance in relation to a system of iniquity unparalleled in the history of the world. Let us concede, for the sake of argument, that the Alliance is the best religious body that could be convened in the world. And let us judge of it, by its own professions, whether it be worthy of our confidence, or whether it be not worthy the execration of the world. If the Alliance had been for a specific purpose, we could not justly complain. But the Alliance does not propose a single object. It claims to cover the whole ground of Christianity, and proposes to remove every evil from the world. The Alliance is a proscriptive body, undertaking to exclude those who do not think with them. The Alliance undertake to prove that those who think with them are Christians, and, consequently, those who do not think with them are not Christians. Now, here we have this body declaring they are not composed of all Christians in the world. Then they say they go together for the union of all Christians in the world, and then, with great inconsistency, they exclude them. Again, they say their design was to attain the union of all Christians. Now, I want to know if they were united. That body assumed that they were a body of Christians united to Jesus Christ. We are to see whether they were so. [He then reprobated the Alliance for including baptism, the Lord's supper, &c., in their list of doctrines, by which the whole Society of Friends were excluded, as they did not believe those dogmas.] I am not sure that the Lord Jesus was altogether pleased with them, for they were not intending to give up their different names. I ask, how does the Evangelical Alliance claim to be regarded by the world? They have set up a most exalted standard. They claim to be regarded as an eminently Christian body. By their own standard let them be judged. Now, if it should be found that this body of eminently pious men passed by a system of pollution, theft, blood, cruelty, atheism, and that they were silent on the subject, it would then be seen that they have assumed what does not belong to them. The Alliance has undertaken a mission which God never gave it to do; that it is, indeed, eminently anti-Christian. They claim to have met under the influences of the Holy Ghost. If so, they would have manifested it by their deeds. I wonder if the Society of Friends, the Plymouth Brethren, the Unitarians, are Christian denominations?

A voice on the platform-No.

Mr. GARRISON said-Though he had named various denominations, he had not endorsed their Christianity. He complained of gentlemen crying "No," when he was merely stating facts. The Alliance claimed to be inspired by the Spirit of God, and yet passed by 3,000,000 of suffering, trampled-down slaves of America. Thus it is that they have given a more fatal blow to the anti-slavery cause, than as if they had been an irreligious body. This brings us to remark on the conduct of the Alliance in reference to American slavery. I ask, what has been the cause of all these divisions in the church? Not testifying against unrighteousness, but in regard to times and seasons and ordinances; all these have divided them. I looked with deep interest to the Alliance to see whether they would regard these as things to be put aside. They have not put them aside. And I will show that this Alliance has been false in its pretensions. These men resolved together about union, and then went away and resolved to be just as much Churchmen, and Baptists, and Methodists, &c., as they were before, and thus the world was imposed upon. Why did they not put away these names? [Here the speaker was much interrupted by hisses and applause. Several cried out "Be quick," and others "Go on! Question, question," from many voices.] I am coming to the question (continued Mr. Garrison). He then read extracts from the speeches of Dr. Emory, and J. C. Abbott, of America, respecting the peculiar state of society in that republic. He asked were these things so, because Christians were attempting to crush the anti-slavery movement? Yes. Was it because men in their churches were slave-buyers? Yes. So long as they could be convicted of these crimes, they were fighting against God. He read an extract from a speech respecting the Alliance making Popery quake in the Vatican. He wondered if the Pope cared about their Alliance. (Cheers.) He remarked that, however they denounced Popery, the late Pope had, three years ago, sent a bull to the faithful throughout the world, urging them at once to wash their hands of traffic in the blood and souls of men. "I go," said Mr. Garrison, “for that Popery which goes against the chains of slavery, and against that Protestantism which puts them on." (Loud cheers.) He complimented Mr. Hinton, on having introduced a motion for the exclusion of slave-holders, but it did not pass. One would have thought they would soon have resolved the subject. But they appointed a large committee to consider the subject. The committee met. Solemn prayer was offered, that they might have divine direction. Several persons engaged in prayer, and implored the direction of God. Then, after so much prayer, a number more persons were added to the committee. Now, he denounced all this praying as solemn mockery before God. (Cheers and hisses, with cries of "No, no," and "Shame, shame," continued some time, during which several gentlemen on the platform and in the hall rose and walked out amidst great hissing. Mr. Garrison continued.) In his opinion, if they had done their duty and had remembered those in bonds, as bound with them, they would have no need of asking God what they should do. Why all this delay, if they were not attempting to wrap up the question? The American delegates ought to have been more decided than any other men, for they held the doctrine that all men were equal; and yet they pretended they had no light from Heaven, and to seek divine direction. He denounced this language as downright blasphemy. He then commented at length on the Alliance classing slavery with duelling, Sabbath breaking, &c. He protested against including Sabbath breaking, as it was called, in the list of crimes furnished. He then read the opinion of Luther and others to the effect that the Sabbath is not any more than a Jewish institution, and not intended for Christian observance. It was wicked in

the Alliance to class men who did not keep the Sabbath holy with drunkards, &c. (Mr. Garrison here read the resolution relating to slavery.) After a great many prayers were put up, it was resolved that this article relating to slavery should be taken out of the Basis and put among incidentals. So thoroughly pro-slavery were the American delegates, that nothing would serve them but to leave slavery untouched. They have attempted to corrupt the moral sense of the people of England. I stand here to unmask them. I denounce them as wolves in sheep's clothing. They have endeavoured to show the claims of the Alliance on the people of God throughout the world. But, judged by its own standard, the body was unworthy the public confidence. He had brought up evidence which proved it to be an un-Christian body. The fault is not mine, but theirs who made it so. I am a believer in Christianity, as taught by Jesus Christ. In the true church of Christ, there never was a slave-holder. I denounce these men who are perverting the Bible, so that the slave system may be sanctioned and upheld. Slave-holding is, under all circumstances, a sin. What is man-stealing under all circumstances, but man-stealing? Man-stealing is a crime well defined. (Cheers.) If a man tells me he finds sanction for slavery in the Bible, if you could find slavery upheld in his Bible, I would put it in the fire. (Cheers.) Slave-holding is not setting a man free, but holding him in bonds. Let him beware how he makes the Bible sanction his crime. If your God allows men to be made beasts of, then your God is my devil. I did hope that the English delegates would go on, and never recognise a slaveholder as a Christian. I say he is not a Christian. If there be an American here, let him prove it if he can. Let him speak, and prove if he can, that I have spoken anything against the truth, or against God. The Rev. JOHN PRESTON, Baptist Minister, Euston-square, here rose and said, he was a member of the Alliance, had sat in nineteen sessions and therefore understood it. He had doubted, and more than doubted, during some parts of Mr. Garrison's address, whether he were a friend of Christianity. When he came to that meeting he did expect to hear strong things uttered against the Alliance; but he did not expect to hear Christianity in general undermined, and prayer to God ridiculed. (Loud cheering, hissing, and great confusion. The Chairman had some difficulty in restoring order. Mr. Preston continued) it was not true that the members of the Alliance said they were inspired by the Holy Ghost. It was not true that they had sanctioned slaveholders as members of the Alliance. Slave-holders could not be admitted into it. They had divided the Alliance into districts, and before a slaveholder could be admitted, the act must be sanctioned by all the districts. And if, when the Alliance next meets, in three years or in seven years, it should be found there was a slave-holder in it, he would be cast out. While at their devotions in the Alliance, the slave was not forgotten; for he suggested to the chairman that prayer should be offered for 3,000,000 of our brethren who were in slavery in America, and prayer was offered for them. (Cheers, and more confusion, during which the rev. gentleman retired.)

It is a

GEORGE THOMPSON, Esq., was next called upon, who, on presenting himself, was received with loud cheering, which continued some time. Mr. Thompson said, this great body of Christians had been together many days aiming at union, but they had passed by the cause of bleeding humanity. (Loud cheers.) He took on himself the full share of the responsibility of calling that meeting, for he believed it was his duty. What was the fact? Why, that the connection of this country with the United States was corrupting the anti-slavery sentiment of England. Fifteen years ago he was sent out as one of the agents of the Anti-Slavery Society to America, and the doctrine he was commissioned to preach was, that slave-holding, under all circumstances, is a crime. startling fact, that no deputation had ever gone to the American Churches but what had compromised their principles on this question. A deputation had gone from the Church of Scotland-the Free Church of Scotland-the Anti-Erastian Free Church of Scotland, but they also had compromised their principles. Mr. Thompson here referred at length to the conduct of this deputation while in America. He said Dr. Cunningham in 1838, held that slave-holding was, under all circumstances, a sin. But what was the conduct of the late deputation? Why, they went to the south-to the slave holding states-and they kept on terms of brotherhood with slave-holders. They sat at their tables, they occupied their pulpits, they sat down with them at the communion table. They went over the land from the Potomac to the Sabine, and from the shores washed by the Atlantic, to those which repose on the side of the Rocky Mountains, and they never lifted up their voice there against American slavery. Nay, they took the slave-holders' money on the express condition that they were to keep silence in America on that question. Because they published the inconsistencies of these Christians, they were slandered and stigmatized. All the Free Church periodicals vindicated the Christianity of the slaveholder. The Edinburgh Witness, the Guardian, the Dundee Warder, the Free Church Magazine-all were compromised on this question. They assailed them (the Abolitionists) as the enemies of Christianity. But who was undermining Christianity? Those who sought to uphold such a system of iniquity by the Bible. He need not go to the Bible to know that slave-holding was a crime. There was that in every man's nature which cried out, "Let slavery be accursed!" (Cheers.) Let every man ask himself if he would like to be a slave. Would they want divine illumination then? Would the slaves want divine illumination to know whether they ought to be free? He would say then, to all these gentle. men, and to the Free Church of Scotland, Accept no more bribes from slavery; take no more of their money, and pollute not the ark of your God. (Immense applause.) The Anti-Slavery League occupied no new ground. It was the Coxes, and Pattens, and Emorys, and Cunninghams, who had taken new ground. At the late meetings of the Alliance, when Mr. Hinton moved that slave-holders should not be eligible as members, there was at once division and discord in the body. He then complained of the Alliance failing to consider, as it ought to have considered, the condition of their brethren the slaves. They refused to adopt Mr. Hinton's amendment for the exclusion of slave-holders. The Alliance had first failed in its duty in not passing that resolution; they had thus compromised the anti-slavery principle. (Hear.) If the British members, as had been alleged, were firm and consistent, were was their consistency then? There was an overwhelming majority against the Americans; and yet the latter appeared to have led them by the nose like asses. (Laughter.) By their ultimate resolution they recognised the possibility of men being slave-holders not of their own fault. Whose fault was it then? (Hear,

hear.) They imputed it, like the Church of Scotland, to the providence of God. In the General Assembly of the Free Church, in May last, Dr. Cunningham and Dr. Candlish had both declared that the American slave-holders had been brought into their unfortunate position by the providence of God; and this sentiment had been loudly cheered by the assembly. (Hear.) Talk of men being slave-holders not of their own fault, or not for their own interest!-where was there such a man? Would any one in Exeter Hall sanction the doctrine that God had put any man in a position which necessitated him to be a slave-holder? (Hear.) The Alliance had established a precedent which did not exist before; they had legislated for an ideal exception; and by that very act they had compromised the abolition question. They had preferred union with the Americans to compassion for the slaves; and their hearts must have smote them while they were making that compromise. Already was that compromise condemned by the public. The American and Scotch delegates had prevailed by numbers and by subtlety; and it was a shame to the British delegates to have made that compromise. (Cheers.) The slavery question had been discussed in the Alliance more than any other; and yet not a syllable in reference to it was recorded in their proceedings. By this course the members had destroyed their usefulness in the antislavery cause; for if they were now zealous in that question, any one might get up and ask why they had been silent in the Alliance? But, though Christians in England might compromise on this question, there was no compromise in the Southern States; the slave-holding members of Christian churches held out for their undoubted right to chain and sell their fellow-men. The Alliance had been led away chiefly by a member who, in 1835, had taken the ground of the utter unjustifiableness of slaveholding under any circumstances, but who had recently sat in the chair of an assembly of men-stealers. (Hear.) None of these men had dared to appear in public; or he (Mr. Thompson) would have confronted them: and, with any audience in Great Britain, he would have undertaken to obtain an all but unanimous verdict against them. (Hear.) Mr. Thompson then read some extracts from the sentiments held by Dr. Cox on slavery ten years ago; also a specimen of the sermons written by Bishop Mead, to be read by slave-owners to the slaves. In conclusion, he moved resolutions declaratory of the sin of American slavery, repudiating the doctrine that slaves might be held in innocence, and censuring the conduct of the Evangelical Alliance as a virtual abandonment of the cause of the slave. (Cheers.)

After a few remarks, the resolutions were put and carried, with a very

few dissentients.

An American gentleman here came forward, and attempted to address the meeting, in reply to Mr. Garrison and Mr. Thompson. He had not uttered many sentences before he was interrupted by hisses, whistling, and shouting. After several ineffectual attempts, aided by the Chairman, to obtain a hearing, the gentleman retired.

After a very effective address from FREDERIC DOUGLASS, a vote of thanks was passed to the Rev. John Burnet, for his conduct in the chair, and the large assembly broke up shortly after ten o'clock.

Colonial Intelligence.

JAMAICA. Whilst the press of this island, says the Bapiist Herald, is circulating the grossest falsehoods respecting the unwillingness of our peasantry to labour on the estates; and demanding, on this account, extended immigration and continued protection, it behoves us to show that a variety of things are constantly occurring which tend to drive the labourer from the estates to his provision ground.

It is only a few weeks since we made our readers acquainted with the fact that an overseer in this parish wantonly destroyed the provision ground of a poor man, because his wife was not on the spot the moment she was required, although both she and her husband had been for years faithful labourers upon the property. Since then, a neighbouring overseer has been guilty of a similar piece of wickedness, and, in this time of scarcity, destroyed two acres of young provisions. Where is the poor man's remedy? Were he to seek for justice in a court of law, it would be denied him as it was to Bailey, some legal quibble would send him home nonsuited.

But it is to a different form of oppression that we now wish to call the attention of our readers, and one that is becoming exceedingly common. A poor man was lately engaged upon an estate in this parish (at some future time we may give its name) to perform some work that came to thirty shillings; he received, in part payment, nine shillings and sixpence, and was told to wait for the rest. In a few weeks the overseer that engaged him was discharged from the property, and another put in his place. The labourer waited upon him for payment, but the reply was, "It was before my time, I know nothing about it ;" and though the man holds an acknowledgment of the work performed, signed by the late overseer, he is unable to obtain payment, and the probability is, he never will be paid. We know it may be said the law will compel the estate to pay. Will it? Should the man try the experiment, there will be sure to be some point raised in law that will nonsuit him; for aught he knows, the attorney of the property will be his judge. There was a time when we should, in such a case as this, have sent the man to a magistrate, but experience has taught us that such advice, in nine cases out of ten, would only cause loss of time to the labourer. The case we have mentioned is by no means uncommon; it is of every day occurrence, and few persons would believe the large sums labourers lose when a property changes overseers; whether those losses are gains to the overseer or attorney we

men,

cannot say, but we do not believe the estate is benefited by them. These are some of the things that drive our labourers from the cultivation of Our sugar cane to their provision grounds, and who can blame them? surprise is not that so many leave, but that any will stay. Should Mr. Smith, by the publication of his truthful letters, induce proprietors at home to scrutinise the conduct of their attornies here, he will find that to them, and not to the labourer, is he indebted for his frequent losses in the cultivation of his estates. Let the peasantry of Jamaica be treated like and there will be found labour enough to make a crop of sugar much larger than any that has been made since the abolition of slavery. EVILS OF ABSENTEEISM.-One great drawback to the prosperity of Jamaica is the deficiency of the number of proprietors residing in the island, and to make up for this, there is not a class of tenants upon the estates, but the cumbrous system of slavery is still the machinery by which This great evil is felt socially, the estates cultivation is carried on. morally, and politically. There are none to give support to educational and benevolent enterprises, very few that feel any interest in local improvements; roads and bridges are neglected; there are no fixed ties to localities, no moral examples of families, and no real patriotism manifested in the political institutions of the country. Legislation for self-interests, instead of the benefit of the whole community.-Baptist Herald, July 21.

BRITISH GUIANA.-Accounts have reached us that three murders have been perpetrated in the county of Berbice; but, strange to say, the local

Gazette makes no mention of them.

On plantation Providence, an African, one of those recently imported, coolly shot another man to the heart with whom he had had some quarrel. He got out of the way for a few days after the commission of the crime, into the bush or the cane-piece, but was forced out by hunger and musquitoes, and is now lodged in jail.

On plantation Everton, the next estate, a man was found in his own house barbarously murdered, his throat cut, and his head hacked nearly from his body. A Barbadian, working on the same property, has been apprehended on suspicion.

In one of the cane-fields of plantation Port Mourant, the body of a man was found some days ago, the feet and hands tied together, and who had also been murdered by cutting his throat. The body was in a state of decomposition, and could not be recognised; but, from the formation of the head, it is supposed the man must have been a Coolie or Portuguese emigrant. No clue has yet been discovered, to lead to the discovery by whom the crime was committed. More than one person must have been employed in tying the wretched victim.-G. T. 17th Aug.

DOMINICA:-On Tuesday morning a French sloop came into port having on board five fugitive slaves from Guadaloupe-three of the vessel's crew, the wife of one of them, and a young girl. It appears that the vessel is a drogher, and had been sent to St. Ann's to take in sugar. After taking off eight hogsheads, one of the crew succeeded in getting his wife and her daughter on board, and, night coming on, the vessel was got under way, when the three men, despite of the master, insisted on bringing her to this island. The girl was manacled and was landed here in that state. An order of two magistrates was immediately issued, and the poor girl, by the aid of a blacksmith, was relieved of her fetters, and the whole were set free. The French schooner of war Baucis arrived here yesterday, and, after exchanging salutes with the fort, took possession of the sloop, and both returned to Guadaloupe.-Colonist.

ST. VINCENT.-The ship James Cruikshank, Captain Sayers, arrived on Friday evening from Madeira, with 144 immigrants under the care of Dr. Donhill; 41 men, 43 women, 20 children from 10 to 15 years, and 40 under 10 years. His Excellency Sir John Campbell visited the ship

on Monday morning, and expressed his high approbation at the healthy and robust appearance of the people, particularly the children, and the superior accommodations provided for them, which reflect credit upon the master of the ship and the medical attendant. Not a case of sickness occurred during the passage. Captain Sayers informed us that any number of immigrants for this island could be obtained at Madeira, St. Vincent having a decided preference with them; but this will avail us little, if the same apathy be shown by the planters on future arrivals as on the present occasion, the whole of the people by the Cruikshank not being disposed of!-Royal Gazette, July 16.

Thirty-eight immigrants from Madeira arrived on the 18th ultimo, in the Brig Bolivar. They are said to be a fine body of people, and all in good health.

ST. LUCIA.-The Independent Press of Aug. 8th, reports the arrival at that island on the 7th of a canoe with four refugee slaves from Port Royal, Martinique. They are stated to be journeymen (tradesmen, we suppose), and effected their landing at Gros-Islet, whence they proceeded, on the following day, to Castries, to report themselves to the magistrate of the district.

terms:-"The Spanish government well know how thoroughly the abolition of the slave-trade has become a national object with the people of this country, and how earnestly every person charged with the administration of the Government in England has pursued it. They know that, although nearly every Christian government has united with Great Britain for that end, the accomplishment is still far off. They know also that treaties and enactments which have been framed against the slave-trade have hitherto entirely failed to counteract the deeply-rooted influence and greedy doings of the slave-dealers in the island of Cuba. The undersigned will not prolong this note by inquiring to what causes this is attributable: it is a subject which has unfortunately too often occupied the correspondence of the two governments; but the fact itself cannot be disputed, and the fact alone will explain the reluctance of her Majesty's Government to extend to the West Indian Colonies of Spain the favour which they have gladly accorded to her possessions in the east; but which in Cuba, could not fail to give a great additional stimulus to the guilty exertions of the slave-dealer."

The unscrupulons dishonesty of the Brazilian, is equally notorious with that of the Spanish government. That government has steadily refused to carry into effect its most solemn engagements. Every treaty and convention for the suppression of the slave-trade has been unblushingly violated; so that it became necessary two years ago to pass a law to empower Her Majesty to act independently of Brazil in the seizure and condemnation of vessels, covered by its flag, found engaged in the slave-trade. In communicating the decision of the Government to Mr. Hamilton, the British minister at Rio, Lord Aberdeen writes as follows:-"It is, unhappily, notorious, that vessels intended for the slave-trade are fitted out almost daily in the ports of Brazil; that of the slave-ships met with in the African seas, three-fourths are under the imperial flag, or are prosecuting the trade on account of Brazilian subjects; that along the southern coast of the empire there is scarcely a creek where a landing is practicable, which is not become known as a resort and a refuge to slave-dealers; that the importation of human beings as slaves into Brazil, far from being discountenanced as a violation of law and treaty, is favoured by the local authorities; and that even in the Legislative Assemblies the trade is avowed as one in respect to which it is not necessary, or even becoming, that the government should keep the faith of their treaties with Great Britain.”

But there are other parties besides those already mentioned who, regardless of the laws of their respective countries, the interests of humanity, and the claims of religion, aid, and abet, and profit by this nefarious trade. They veil their proceedings, so that they may partake of its guilty profits without subjecting themselves to the penalties of the laws which they violate; and conscious of the impunity which they enjoy, they scorn the fetters attempted to be imposed upon them, and secretly and efficiently aid those directly employed in the trade. It was not without reason that Mr. Wise, the American Minister at Rio, addressed the British Minister, Mr. Hamilton, at the close of the year, 1844, in the following terms:— "And this, and much more besides, proves that all future efforts will be as vain as the past to arrest the African slave-trade, unless other and entirely new measures are taken. These facts show you, Sir, in the first place, that it is worse than idle for Great Britain to reproach the United States for permitting their flag and their vessels to be the common carriers, as long as British manufacturers, merchants, brokers, and capitalists, are allowed to furnish the very pabulum of the slave-trade. Why should the United States most vindictively punish as pirates the poor ignorant masters, mates, and crews of their vessels, when they are but the tempted tools of highly respectable English and Brazilian gentlemen, merchants, manufacturers, capitalists of money and of character, owners of vessels, brokers, and consignces, and large slave-dealers, too rich to be within the reach of the halter of the law? And cui bono, if American merchants and goods are to be driven away, and American consignees, factors, and agents are to be subjected to like penalties as masters, mates, and crews (which they are not subjected to), just to yield the use of our vessels and flag to the consignees, factors, and agents, of Great Britain and Brazil ?”

Such are the facts of the case. Neither Spain nor Brazil will give effect to its engagements; neither will employ the means within its power, for the suppression of the slave-trade; and, less than ever, can they now be expected to do so, when the motives for carrying it on have been greatly strengthened by the recent alteration in the sugar duties. Besides which, it is evident that, under the colourable pretence of legitimate commerce, British and American manufacturers and merchants furnish the means; and that

the ship-owners and masters of almost all maritime countries, lend their aid to its prosecution in order that they may share in its gains. In face of such a combination of circumstances and interests, and with an ever-increasing demand for slaves, to meet the wastes of life connected with the slave-system, and to extend cultivation, it is impossible to suppress the traffic by any amount of force that can be brought against it.

In the important letter which your lordship addressed to the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury, on the 26th of December, 1839, relating to the slave-trade, your lordship reviewed the facts of the case as they then existed. From that important docuument the Committee make the following extracts, in confirmation of their general views. Your lordship said :-"I find it impossible to avoid the conclusion, that the average number of slaves imported into foreign states or colonies in the West Indies, from the west coast of Africa, annually exceeds 100,000 But the number of slaves actually landed in the importing countries affords but a very imperfect indication of the real extent of the calamities which this traffic inflicts on its victims. No record exists of the multitudes who perish in the overland journey to the African coast, or in the passage across the Atlantic, or of the still greater number who fall a sacrifice to the warfare, pillage, and cruelties by which the slavetrade is fed. Unhappily, however, no fact can be more certain, than that such an importation as I have mentioned, presupposes and involves a waste of human life, and a sum of human misery, proceeding from year to year, without respite or intermission, to such an extent as to render the subject the most painful of any which, in the survey of the condition of mankind, it is possible to contemplate." Your lordship then asked, "Why the costly efforts in which Great Britain has so long been engaged for repressing the foreign slave-trade have proved ineffectual?" Without dwelling on "the many concurrent causes of failure," your lordship refers to the vast profits of the trade, and the impunity which its abettors enjoy in the countries with which it is carried on; and you add, "Under such circumstances, to repress the foreign slave-trade by a marine guard could scarcely be possible, if the whole British navy could be employed for that purpose. It is an evil that can never be adequately encountered by any system · of mere prohibition and penalties." In that conclusion, in its application to the present, as well as the past state of the traffic, the Committee most entirely concur.

What then, the Committee respectfully ask, is to be done? The Government having abandoned the policy of excluding the slaveproduced sugars of the Spanish colonies and Brazil from the British markets; and opened the ports to their reception in common with the free products of free countries—a measure which they doubt not will greatly stimulate the slave-trade, and strengthen the system of slavery-there appears to them but the following means left to the Government of attacking it with success, and which they respectfully submit to its grave consideration.

First. The Committee earnestly trust that Her Majesty's Government will recall the cruisers from the coast of Africa, and abandon a scheme of coercive suppression which has been found, in operation, powerless for good, and productive of many and great evils. In recommending this course, the Committee feel that it is equally called for by justice and benevolence. A large annual expenditure of money and of life on the coast of Africa cannot be justified, when no end is really secured, but that of giving intensity to the miseries of the African slaves. The Spanish colonies and Brazil will continue to feed their plantations with new victims, in proportion to the increasing demands of commerce; and this country, it is now evident, cannot prevent them. To withdraw, then, from a useless conflict is necessary, and cannot be dishonourable. Should the Government, in view of all the facts of the case, resolve upon this step, the Committee would urgently recommend, that the funds that will be saved thereby, may be applied to the development of the free produce of British India. If, in any part of the British empire, the means of competing with slave-labour produce in the markets of the world, can be found, it will be found there. Possessed of boundless resources, both of soil and labour, all that is required is, that its means of internal transit should be perfected, the irrigation of its cultivable lands secured; its labour freed from all unjust restrictions; and that those great public works, the importance of which is universally admitted, should be prosecuted, in order to secure to the capitalist and to the farmer the fair reward of their risks and their toil. Were these things attended to without unnecessary delay, there would be no necessity for transporting, at an enormous cost, the.

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