little cleared, and there was plenty of those animals. The case is greatly altered now. The beaver skins are not now to be had in New England, but from very remote places and at great prices. The trade is accordingly declining there; so that, far from being able to make hats in any quantity for exportation, they cannot supply their home demand; and it is well known, that some thousand dozens are sent thither yearly from London, Bristol, and Liverpool, and sold cheaper than the inhabitants can make them of equal goodness. In fact, the colonies are so little suited for establishing of manufactures, that they are continually losing the few branches they accidentally gain. The working brasiers, cutlers, and pewterers, as well as hatters, who have happened to go over from time to time and settle in the colonies, gradually drop the working part of their business, and import their respective goods from England, whence they can have them cheaper and better than they can make them. They continue their shops indeed, in the same way of dealing; but become sellers of brasiery, cutlery, pewter, hats, &c. brought from England, instead of being makers of those goods. 5. The American colonies not dangerous in their nature to Great Britain. Thus much as to the apprehension of our colonies becoming useless to us. I shall next consider the other supposition, that their growth may render them dangerous.-Of this, I own, I have not the least conception, when I consider that we have already fourteen separate governments on the maritime coast of the continent; and, if we extend our settlements, shall probably have as many more behind them on the inland side. Those we now have are not only under different governors, but have different forms of government, different laws, different interests, and some of them different religious persuasions, and different manners. Their jealousy of each other is so great, that however necessary an union of the colonies has long been, for their common defence and security against their enemies, and how sensible soever each colony has been that of necessity; yet they have never been able to effect such an union among themselves; nor even to agree in requesting the mother-country to establish it for them. Nothing but the immediate command of the crown has been able to produce even the imperfect union, but lately seen there, of the forces of some colonies. If they could not agree to unite for their defence against the French and Indians, who were perpetually harassing their settlements, burning their villages, and murdering their people; can it reasonably be supposed there is any danger of their uniting against their own nation, which protects and encourages them, with which they have so many connexions and ties of blood, interest, and affection, and which, it is well known, they all love much more than they love one another? In short, there are so many causes that must operate to prevent it, that I will venture to say, an union amongst them for such a purpose is not merely improbable, it is impossible. And if the union of the whole is impossible, the attempt of a part must be madness; as those colonies that did not join the rebellion would join the mother-country in suppressing it. When I say such an union is impossible, I mean, without the most grievous tyranny and oppression. People who have property in a country which they may lose, and privileges which they may endanger, are generally disposed to be quiet, and even to bear much, rather than hazard all. While the government is mild and just, while important civil and religious rights are secure, such subjects will be dutiful and obedient. The waves do not rise but when the winds blow. What such an administration as the duke of Alva's in the Netherlands might produce, I know not; but this I think I have a right to deem impossible. And yet there were two very manifest differences between that case, and ours; and both are in our favour. The first, that Spain had already united the seventeen provinces under one visible government, though the states continued independent: the second, that the inhabitants of those provinces were of a nation not only different from, but utterly unlike the Spaniards. Had the Netherlands been peopled from Spain, the worst of oppression had probably not provoked them to wish a separation of government. It might, and probably would, have ruined the country; but would never have produced an independent sovereignty. In fact, neither the very worst of governments, the worst of politics in the last century, nor the total abolition of their remaining liberty, in the provinces of Spain itself, in the present, have produced any independency in Spain, that could be supported. The same may be observed of France. And let it not be said, that the neighbourhood of these to the seat of government has prevented a separation. While our strength at sea continues, the banks of the Ohio (in point of easy and expeditious conveyance of troops) are nearer to London, than the remote parts of France and Spain to their respective capitals; and much nearer than Connaught and Ulster were in the days of queen Elizabeth. Nobody foretels the dissolution of the Russian monarchy from its extent; yet I will venture to say, the eastern parts of it are already much more inaccessible from Petersburgh, than the country on the Mississippi is from London; I mean, more men, in less time, might be conveyed to the latter than the former distance. The rivers Oby, Jenesea, and Lena, do not facilitate the communication half so well by their course, nor are they half so practicable as the American rivers. To this I shall only add the observation of Machiaval, in his Prince; that a government seldom long preserves its dominion over those who are foreigners to it; who, on the other hand, fall with great ease, and continue inseparably annexed to the government of their own nation which he proves by the fate of the English conquests in France. Yet with all these disadvantages, so difficult is it to overturn an established government, that it was not without the assistance of France and England, that the United Provinces supported themselves: which teaches us, that and held: a world composed of above an hundred languages, and sets of manners, different from those of their masters. Yet this dominion was unshakeable, till the loss of liberty and corruption of manners in the sovereign state overturned it. But what is the prudent policy inculcated by the remarker to obtain this end, security of dominion over our colonies? It is, to leave the French in Canada, to "check" their growth; for otherwise, our people may increase infinitely from all causes.'" We have already seen in what manner the French and their Indians check the growth of our colonies. It is a modest word, this check, for massacreing men, women, and children! The writer would, if he could, hide from himself as well as from the public, the horror arising from such a proposal, by couching it in general terms: it is no wonder he thought it a 6. The French remaining in Canada, an encouragament to disaffections in the British Colonies. If they prove a check, that check"subject not fit for discussion" in his letter; of the most barbarous nature. he recommends it as "a point that should If the visionary danger of independence be the constant object of the minister's atin our colonies is to be feared; nothing is tention!" But if Canada is restored on this more likely to render it substantial than the principle, will not Britain be guilty of all the neighbourhood of foreigners, at enmity with blood to be shed, all the murders to be comthe sovereign governments, capable of giv-mitted, in order to check this dreaded growth ing either aid, or an asylum, as the event shall require. Yet against even these disadvantages, did Spain preserve almost ten provinces, merely through their want of union; which indeed could never have taken place among the others, but for causes, some of which are in our case impossible, and others it is impious to suppose possible. among The Romans well understood that policy, which teaches the security arising to the chief government from separate states the governed; when they restored the liberties of states of Greece (oppressed but united under Macedon) by an edict, that every state should live under its own laws. They did not even name a governor. Independence of each other, and separate interests (though among a people united by common manners, language, and I may say religion; inferior neither in wisdom, bravery, nor their love of liberty, to the Romans themselves ;) was all the security the sovereigns wished for their Sovereignty. It is true, they did not call themselves sovereigns; they set no value on the title; they were contented with possessing the thing. And possess it they did, even without a standing army: (what can be a stronger proof of the security of their possession?) And yet by a policy, similar to this throughout, was the Roman world subdued *An idea was current during the war of independence, that the revolt would not have taken place if the French had been left possessed of Canada at the peace of 1763. ture independence considered the surrender by the French as promoting it. Canada, during the war of 1812-15 was so heavy a weight on the United States, On the other hand, those who since 1754 looked to fu that in case of a future war it must be looked to. looed of our own people? Will not this be telling the French in plain terms, that the horrid barbarities they perpetrate with Indians on our colonists are agreeable to us; and that they need not apprehend the resentment of a government, with whose views they so happily concur? Will not the colonies view it in this light? Will they have reason to consider themselves any longer as subjects and children, when they find their cruel enemies halupon them by the country from whence they sprung; the government that owes them protection, as it requires their obedience? Is not this the most likely means of driving them into the arms of the French, who can invite them by an offer of security, their own government chooses not to afford them? I would not be thought to insinuate, that the remarker wants humanity. I know how little many good-natured persons are affected by the distresses of people at a distance, and whom they do not know. There are even those, who, being present, can sympathize sincerely with the grief of a lady on the sudden death of a favourite bird; and yet can read of the sinking of a city in Syria with very little concern. If it be, after all, thought necessary to check the growth of our colonies, give me leave to propose a method less cruel. It is a method of which we have an example in Scripture. The murder of husbands, of wives, of brothers, sisters and children, whose pleasing society has been for some time enjoyed, affects deeply the respective surviving relations; but grief for the death of a child just born is short, and easily supported. The method I mean is that which was dictated by the Egyptian policy, when the "infinite in-ent; and though I am far from thinking we crease" of the children of Israel was appre- have sugar-land enough, I cannot think Guahended as dangerous to the state. Let an daloupe is so desirable an increase of it, as act of parliament then be made, enjoining the colony midwives to stifle in the birth every third or fourth child. By this means you may keep the colonies to their present size. And if they were under the hard alternative of submitting to one or the other of these schemes for checking their growth, I dare answer for them, they would prefer the latter. other objects the enemy would probably be infinitely more ready to part with. A country, fully inhabited by any nation, is no proper possession for another of different languages, manners, and religion. It is hardly ever tenable at less expense than it is worth. But the isle of Cayenne, and its appendix, Equinoctial-France, having but very few inhabitants, and these therefore easily removed, would indeed be an acquisition every way suitable to our situation and desires. This would hold all that migrate from Barbadoes, the Leeward Islands, or Jamaica. It would certainly recall into an English government (in which there would be room for millions) all who have before settled or purchased in Martinico, Guadaloupe, Santa Cruz, or St John's; except such as know not the value of an English government, and such I am sure are not worth recalling. But all this debate about the propriety or impropriety of keeping or restoring Canada is possibly too early. We have taken the capital indeed, but the country is yet far from being in our possession; and perhaps never will be: for if our ministers are persuaded by such counsellors as the remarker, that the French there are "not the worst of neighbours," and that if we had conquered Canada, we ought, for our own sakes, to restore it, as a check to the growth of our colonies; I am then afraid we shall never take it. For there are many ways of avoiding the completion of But should we keep Guadaloupe, we are the conquest, that will be less exceptionable told it would enable us to export 300,000l.in and less odious than the giving it up. sugars. Admit it to be true, though perhaps 7. Canada easily peopled, without draining might stop most of it here, to whose profit is the amazing increase of English consumption Great Britain of any of its inhabitants. this to redound? To the profit of the French The objection I have often heard, that if inhabitants of the island: except a small part, we had Canada we could not people it, with- that should fall to the share of the English out draining Britain of its inhabitants, is purchasers, but whose whole purchase money founded on ignorance of the nature of popu- must first be added to the wealth and cirlation in new countries. When we first be- qulation of France. I grant, however, much gan to colonize in America, it was necessary of this 300,000l. would be expended in British to send people, and to send seed-corn; but it is manufactures. Perhaps too, a few of the landnot now necessary that we should furnish, for owners of Guadaloupe might dwell and spend a new colony, either one or the other. The their fortunes in Britain (though probably annual increment alone of our present colo- much fewer than of the inhabitants of North nies, without diminishing their numbers, or America.) I admit the advantage arising to requiring a man from hence, is sufficient in us from these circumstances (as far as they ten years to fill Canada with double the num-go) in the case of Guadaloupe, as well as in ber of English that it now has of French inhabitants. Those who are protestants among the French will probably choose to remain under the English government; many will choose to remove, if they can be allowed to sell their lands, improvements, and effects: the rest in that thin-settled country will in less than half a century, from the crowds of English settling round and among them, be blended and incorporated with our people both in language and manners. 8. The merits of Guadaloupe to Great Britain over-valued yet likely to be paid much dearer for, than Canada. In Guadaloupe the case is somewhat differ* And Pharaoh said unto his people, behold the people of the children of Israel are more and mightier than we; come on, let us deal wisely with them, lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that when there falleth out any war, they join also unto our enemies and fight against us, and so get them up out of the land. And the king spake to the Hebrew midwives, &c.-Exodus, chap. 1. that of our other West India settlements. Yet even this consumption is little better than that of an allied nation would be, who should take our manufactures and supply us with sugar, and put us to no great expense in defending the place of growth. But though our own colonies expend among us almost the whole produce of our sugar, can we, or ought we to promise ourselves this will be the case of Guadaloupe? One 100,000l. will supply them with British manufactures; and supposing we can effectually prevent the introduction of those of France (which is morally impossible in a country used to them) the other 200,0007. of their children and support of themselves; I will still be spent in France, in the education or else be laid up there, where they will always think their home to be. Besides this consumption of British manu. factures, much is said of the benefit we shall have from the situation of Guadaloupe; and we are told of a trade to the Caraccas and Spanish Main. In what respect Guadaloupe is better situated for this trade than Jamaica, or even of our other islands, I am at a loss to guess. I believe it to be not so well situated for that of the windward coast, as Tobago and St. Lucia; which in this, as well as other respects, would be more valuable possessions, and which, I doubt not, the peace will secure to us. Nor is it nearly so well situated for that of the rest of the Spanish Main as Jamaica. As to the greater safety of our trade by the possession of Guadaloupe, experience has convinced us, that in reducing a single island, or even more, we stop the privateering business but little. Privateers still subsist, in equal if not greater numbers, and carry the vessels into Martinico, which before it was more convenient to carry into Guadaloupe. Had we all the Caribbees, it is true, they would in those parts be without shelter. sures, that must necessarily have an effect the direct contrary of what we have been industriously taught to fear; and that Guadaloupe is, in point of advantage, but a very small addition to our West-India possessions; rendered many ways less valuable to us, than it is to the Freneh, who will probably set more value upon it, than upon a country [Canada] that is much more valuable to us than to them. There is a great deal more to be said on all the parts of these subjects; but as it would carry me into a detail, that I fear would tire the patience of my readers, and which I am not without apprehensions I have done already, I shall reserve what remains till I dare venture again on the indulgence of the public. PLAIN TRUTH; Or, Serious Considerations on the present state of the city of Philadelphia, and province of Pennsylvania. By a Tradesman of Philadelphia. Capta urbe, nihil fit reliqui victis. Sed, per deos immortales, vos ego apello, qui semper domos, villas, signa, tabulas vestras, tantæ æstimationis fecistis; si ista, si voluptatibus vestris otium præhere vultis; expergis cujuscumque modi sint, quæ amplexamini, retinere, mini aliquando, et capessite rempublicam. Non agitur nunc de sociorum injuriis; libertas et anima nostra in dubio est. Dux hostium cum exercitu supra caput est. Vos cunctamini etiam nunc, et dubitatis quid faciatis? Scilicet, res ipsa aspera est, sed vos non timetis eam. Imo vero maxime; sed inertia et mollitia animi, alius alium expectantes, cunctamini; videlicit, diis immor talibus confisi, qui hanc rempublicam in maximis periculis servavere non votis, neque suppliciis mulieribus, aurilia deorum parantur: vigilando, agendo, bene consulendo, prospere omnia cedunt. Ubi socordia tete atque ignavia tradideris, nequicquam deos implores; irati, infestique sunt. M. POR. CAT. IN SALUST. Yet, upon the whole, I suppose it to be a doubtful point, and well worth consideration, whether our obtaining possession of all the Caribbees would be more than a temporary benefit; as it would necessarily soon fill the French part of Hispaniola with French inhabitants, and thereby render it five times more valuable in time of peace, and little less than impregnable in time of war, and would probably end in a few years in the uniting the whole of that great and fertile island under a French government. It is agreed on all hands, that our conquest of St. Christophers, and driving the French from thence, first furnished Hispaniola with skilful and substantial planters, and was consequently the first occasion of its present opulence. On the other hand, I will hazard an opinion, that valuable as the French possessions in the West Indies are, and undeniable as the advantages they It is said, the wise Italians make this proderive from them, there is somewhat to be verbial remark on our nation, viz. The Engweighed in the opposite scale. They cannot lish feel, but they do not see. That is, they at present make war with England, without are sensible of inconveniences when they are exposing those advantages, while divided present, but do not take sufficient care to preamong the numerous islands they now have, vent them: their natural courage makes much more than they would, were they pos- them too little apprehensive of danger, so that sessed of St. Domingo only; their own share they are often surprised by it, unprovided of of which would, if well cultivated, grow more the proper means of security. When it is too sugar than is now grown in all their West- late, they are sensible of their imprudence; India islands. after great fires, they provide buckets and I have before said, I do not deny the utili-engines: after a pestilence, they think of keepty of the conquest, or even of our future possession of Guadaloupe, if not bought too dear. The trade of the West Indies is one of our most valuable trades. Our possessions there deserve our greatest care and attention. So do those of North America. I shall not enter into the invidious task of comparing their due estimation. It would be a very long, and a very disagreeable one, to run through every thing material on this head. It is enough to our present point, if I have shown, that the value of North America is capable of an immense increase, by an acquisition and mea ing clean their streets and common sewers: and when a town has been sacked by their enemies they provide for its defence, &c. This kind of after-wisdom is indeed so common with us, as to occasion the vulgar, though very significant saying, When the steed is stolen, you shut the stable door. But the more insensible we generally are of public danger, and indifferent when warned of it, so much the more freely, openly, and earnestly, ought such as apprehend it to speak their sentiments; that, if possible, those who seem to sleep may be awakened, to think of some means of avoiding or preventing the mischief, before it be too late. Believing therefore, that it is my duty, I shall honestly speak my mind in the following paper. ites it seems were at this time not very orthodox in their religion, and their spies met with a certain idolatrous priest of their own persuasion, ver. 3, and they said to him, Who brought thee hither? What makest thou in this place? And what hast thou here? [Would to God no such priests were to be found among us.] And they said unto him, ver. 5.— Ask War, at this time, rages over a great part of the known world; our newspapers are weekly filled with fresh accounts of the destruction it every where occasions. Pennsylvania, in-counsel of God, that we may know, whether deed, situate in the centre of the colonies, has hitherto enjoyed profound repose; and though our nation is engaged in a bloody war, with two great and powerful kingdoms, yet, defended, in a great degree, from the French, on the one hand, by the northern provinces, and from the Spaniards, on the other, by the southern, at no small expense to each, our people have, till lately, slept securely in their habitations. There is no British colony, excepting this, but has made some kind of provision for its defence; many of them have therefore never been attempted by an enemy; and others, that were attacked, have generally defended themselves with success. The length and difficulty of our bay and river have been thought so effectual a security to us, that hitherto no means have been entered into, that might discourage an attempt upon us, or prevent its succeeding. our way which we go shall be prosperous : But whatever security this might have been while both country and city were poor, and the advantage to be expected scarce worth the hazard of an attempt, it is now doubted, whe-up against them; for we have seen the land, ther we can any longer safely depend upon it. Our wealth, of late years much increased, is one strong temptation, our defenceless state another, to induce an enemy to attack us; while the acquaintance they have lately gained with our bay and river, by means of the prisoners and flags of truce they have had among us; by spies which they almost every where maintain, and perhaps from traitors among ourselves; with the facility of getting pilots to conduct them; and the known absence of ships of war, during the greatest part of the year, from both Virginia and New York, ever since the war began, render the appearance of success to the enemy far more promising, and therefore highly increase our danger. and behold it is very good! And are ye still! Be not slothful to go. Verse 10, when ye go, ye shall come to a people SECURE: [that is, a people that apprehend no danger, and therefore have made no provision against it; great encouragement this!] and to a large land, and a place where there is no want of any thing. What could they desire more? Accordingly we find, in the following verses, that six hundred men only, appointed with weapons of war, undertook the conquest of this large land; knowing that 600 men, armed and disciplined, would be an over-match perhaps for 60,000, unarmed, undisciplined, and off their guard. And when they went against it, the idolatrous priest, verse 17, with his graven image, and his ephod, and his seraThat our enemies may have spies abroad, phim, and his molten image, [plenty of superand some even in these colonies, will not be stitious trinkets] joined with them, and, no made much doubt of, when it is considered, doubt, gave them all the intelligence and asthat such has been the practice of all nations sistance in his power; his heart, as the text in all ages, whenever they were engaged, or assures us, being glad, perhaps for reasons intended to engage, in war. Of this we have more than one. And now, what was the fate an early example in the book of Judges (too of the poor Laish! The 600 men being arpertinent to our case, and therefore I must beg rived, found, as the spies had reported, a peoleave a little to enlarge upon it) where we ple QUIET and SECURE, verse 20, 21. And are told, Chap. xviii. 2. That the children they smote them with the edge of the sword, of Dan sent of their family five men from and burnt the city with FIRE; and there was their coasts to spie out the land, and search no DELIVERER, because it was far from Ziit, saying, Go, search the land. These Dan-don.-Not so far from Zidon, however, as |