exist without the careful culture of those feelings of confidence and affection which are the effective bonds of union between free and confederate states. Strong as is the tie of interest, it has been often found ineffectual. Men, blinded by their passions, have been known to adopt measures for their country in direct opposition to all the suggestions of policy. The alternative, then, is to destroy or keep down a bad passion by creating and fostering a good one; and this seems to be the corner-stone upon which our Amer. ican political architects have reared the fabric of our government. The cement which was to bind it, and perpetuate its existence, was the affectionate attachment between all its members. To insure the continuance of this feeling, produced at first by a community of dangers, of sufferings, and of interests, the advantages of each were made accessible to all.

No participation in any good, possessed by any member of an extensive confederacy, except in domestic government, was withheld from the citizen of any other member. By a process attended with no difficulty, no delay, no expense but that of removal, the cit izen of one might become the citizen of any other, and successively of the whole. The lines, too, separating powers to be exercised by the citizens of one state from those of another, seem to be so distinctly drawn as to leave no room for misunderstanding. The citizens of each state unite in their persons all the privileges which that character confers, and all that they might claim as citizens of the United States; but in no case can the same person, at the same time, act as the citizen of two separate states, and he is therefore positively precluded from any interference with the reserved powers of any state but that of which he is, for the time being, a citizen. He may indeed offer to the citizens of other states his advice as to their management, and the form in which it is tendered is left to his own discretion and sense of propriety.

It may be observed, however, that organized associations of citizens, requiring com pliance with their wishes, too much resemble the recommendations of Athens to her allies, supported by an armed and powerful fleet. It was, indeed, to the ambition of the leading states of Greece to control the domestic concerns of the others, that the destruction of that celebrated confederacy, and subsequently of all its members, is mainly to be attrib uted. And it is owing to the absence of that spirit that the Helvetic confederacy has for so many years been preserved. Never have there been seen in the institutions of the separate members of any confederacy more elements of discord. In the principles and forms of government and religion, as well as in the circumstances of the several cantons, so marked a discrepancy was observable, as to promise any thing but harmony in their intercourse, or permanency in their alliance. And yet, for ages, neither has been interrupted. Content with the positive benefits which their union produced, with the inde pendence and safety from foreign aggression which it secured, the sagacious people respected the institutions of each other, however repugnant to their own principles and prejudices.

Our confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by the same forbearance. Our citizens must be content with the exercise of the powers with which the constitution clothes them. The attempt of those of one state to control the domestic institutions of another, can only result in feelings of distrust and jealousy, and certain harbingers of disunion, violence, civil war, and the ultimate destruction of our free institutions. Our confederacy is perfectly illustrated by the terms and principles governing a common copartnership. There a fund of power is to be exercised under the direction of the joint counsels of the allied members, but that which has been reserved by the individuals is intangible by the common government, or the individual members composing it. To attempt it, finds no support in the principles of our constitution. It should be our constant and earnest endeavor mutually to cultivate a spirit of concord and harmony among the various parts of our confederacy. Experience has abundantly taught us that the agi stion by citizens of one part of the Union of a subject not confided to the general gov rnment, but exclusively under the guardianship of the local authorities, is productive of > other consequences than bitterness, alienation, discord and injury to the very cause hich is intended to be advanced. Of all the great interests which appertain to our counky, that of union, cordial, confiding, fraternal union, is by far the most important, since it is the only true and sure guarantee of all others.

In consequence of the embarrassed state of business and the currency, some of the states may meet with difficulty in their financial concerns. However deeply we may regret any thing imprudent or excessive in the engagements into which states have enter

ed for purposes of their own, it does not become us to disparage the state governments, nor to discourage them from making proper efforts for their own relief. On the contrary, it is our duty to encourage them, to the extent of our constitutional authority, to apply their best means, and cheerfully to make all necessary sacrifices, and submit to all neces sary burdens, to fulfil their engagements and maintain their credit; for the character and credit of the several states form part of the character and credit of the whole country. The resources of the country are abundant, the enterprise and activity of our people proverbial; and we may well hope that wise legislation and prudent administration, by the respective governments, each acting within its own sphere, will restore former prosperity. Unpleasant and even dangerous as collisions may sometimes be, between the constituted authorities or the citizens of our country, in relation to the lines which separate their respective jurisdictions, the result can be of no vital injury to our institutions, if that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment to liberty, that spirit of moderation and forbearance for which our countrymen were once distinguished, continue to be cherished. If this continues to be the ruling passion of our souls, the weaker feelings of the mistaken enthusiast will be corrected, the Utopian dreams of the scheming politician dissipated, and the complicated intrigues of the demagogue rendered harmless. The spirit of liberty is the sovereign balm for every injury which our institutions receive. On the contrary, no care that can be used in the construction of our government, no division of powers, no distribution of checks in its several departments, will prove effectual to keep us a free people, if this spirit is suffered to decay; and decay it will, without constant nurture. To the neglect of this duty, historians agree in attributing the ruin of all the republics with whose existence and fall their writings have made us acquainted. The same causes will ever produce the same effects; and as long as the love of power is a dominant pas. sion of the human bosom, and as long as the understandings of men can be warped, and their affections changed by operations upon their passions and prejudices, so long will the iberty of a people depend on their own constant attention to its preservation.

The danger to all well-established free governments arises from the unwillingness of the people to believe in its existence, or from the influence of designing men, diverting their attention from the quarter whence it approaches to a source from which it can never come. This is the old trick of those who would usurp the government of their country. In the name of democracy they speak, warning the people against the influence of wealth and the danger of aristocracy. History, ancient and modern, is full of such examples. Cæsar became the master of the Roman people and the Senate, under the pretence of supporting the democratic claims of the former against the aristocracy of the latter. Cromwell, in the character of protector of the liberties of the people, became the dic tator of England; and Bolivar possessed himself of unlimited power, with the title of his country's liberator. There is, on the contrary, no single instance on record of an extensive and well-established republic being changed into an aristocracy. The tendency of all such governments, in their decline, is to monarchy; and the antagonist principle to liberty there, is the spirit of faction-a spirit which assumes the character, and, in times of great excitement, imposes itself upon the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and like the false Christs whose coming was foretold by the Saviour, seeks to, and, were it possible, would, impose upon the true and most faithful disciples of liberty. It is in pe riods like this that it behooves the people to be most watchful of those to whom they have intrusted power. And although there is at times much difficulty in distinguishing the false from the true spirit, a calm and dispassionate investigation will detect the counterfeit, as well by the character of its operations as the results that are produced. The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in principle, that secured, is mild and tolerant, and scrupulous as to the means it employs; whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, vindictive, and intolerant, and totally reckless as to the character of the allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuine spirit of liberty animates the body of a people to a thorough exam. ination of their affairs, it leads to the excision of every excrescence which may have fastened itself upon any of the departments of the government, and restores the system to its pristine health and beauty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit of party among a free people seldom fails to result in a dangerous accession to the executive power, introduced and established amidst unusual professions of devotion to democracy.

The foregoing remarks relate almost exclusively to matters connected with our domestic concerns. It may be proper, however, that I should give some indications to my fel

low-citizens of my proposed course of conduct in the management of our foreign rela tions. I assure them, therefore, that it is my intention to use every means in my power to preserve the friendly intercourse which now so happily subsists with every foreign nation; and that although, of course, not well informed as to the state of any pending negotiations with any of them, I see in the personal characters of the sovereigns, as well as in the mutual interest of our own and of the governments with which our relations are most intimate, a pleasing guarantee that the harmony so important to the interests of their subjects, as well as our citizens, will not be interrupted by the advancement of any claim or pretension upon their part to which our honor would not permit us to yield. Long the defender of my country's rights in the field, I trust that my fellow-citizens will not see, in my earnest desire to preserve peace with foreign powers, any indication that their rights will ever be sacrificed, or the honor of the nation tarnished, by any admission on the part of their chief magistrate unworthy of their former glory.

In our intercourse with our aboriginal neighbors, the same liberality and justice which marked the course prescribed to me, by two of my illustrious predecessors, when acting under their direction in the discharge of the duties of superintendent and commissioner, shall be strictly observed. I can conceive of no more sublime spectacle-none more likely to propitiate an impartial Creator-than a rigid adherence to the principles of jus tice on the part of a powerful nation, in its transactions with a weaker and uncivilized people, whom circumstances have placed at its disposal.

Before concluding, fellow-citizens, I must say something to you on the subject of the parties at this time existing in our country. To me it appears perfectly clear, that the interest of that country requires that the violence of the spirit by which those parties are at this time governed, must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely extinguished, or consequences will ensue which are appalling to be thought of. If parties in a republic are necessary to secure a degree of vigilance sufficient to keep the public functionaries within the bounds of law and duty, at that point their usefulness ends. Beyond that they become destructive of public virtue, the parents of a spirit antagonist to that of liberty, and eventually its inevitable conqueror.

We have examples of republics, where the love of country and of liberty, at one time, were the dominant passions of the whole mass of citizens, and yet, with the continuance of the name and forms of free government, not a vestige of these qualities remaining in the bosom of any one of its citizens. It was the beautiful remark of a distinguished English writer, that "in the Roman senate Octavius had a party, and Antony a party, but the commonwealth had none." Yet the senate continued to meet in the temple of liberty, to talk of the sacredness and beauty of the commonwealth, and gaze at the statues of the elder Brutus and of the Curtii and Decii. And the people assembled in the forum, not as in the days of Camillus and the Scipios, to cast their free votes for annual magistrates, or pass upon the acts of the senate, but to receive from the hands of the leaders of the respective parties their share of the spoils, and to shout for one or the other, as those col lected in Gaul, or Egypt, and the Lesser Asia, would furnish the larger dividend. The spirit of liberty had fled, and, avoiding the abodes of civilized man, had sought protec tion in the wilds of Scythia or Scandinavia; and so, under the operation of the same causes and influences, it will fly from our capitol and our forums. A calamity so awful, not only to our country, but to the world, must be deprecated by every patriot; and every tendency to a state of things likely to produce it immediately checked. Such a tendency has existed-does exist.

Always the friend of my countrymen, never their flatterer, it becomes my duty to say to them from this high place to which their partiality has exalted me, that there exists in spirit hostile to their best interests-hostile to liberty itself. It is a spirit conviews, selfish in its object. It looks to the aggrandizement of a few, even on of the interest of the whole. The entire remedy is with the people. vever, may be effected by the means which they have placed in my hands. we want, not of a party for the sake of that party, but a union of the for the sake of the whole country-for the defence of its interests and its foreign aggression, for the defence of those principles for which our ances sly contended. As far as it depends upon me, it shall be accomplished. ace that I possess shall be exerted to prevent the formation of at least an y in the balls of the legislative body. I wish for the support of no member y to any measure of mine that does not satisfy his judgment and his sense of

duty to those from whom he holds his appointment, nor any confidence in advance from the people, but that asked for by Mr. Jefferson, " to give firmness and effect to the legal administration of their affairs."

I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for the Christian religion, and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility, are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness; and to that good Being who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers, and has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time.

[Here the oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Taney.]

Fellow-citizens: Being fully invested with that high office to which the partiality of my countrymen has called me, I now take an affectionate leave of you. You will bear with you to your homes the remembrance of the pledge I have this day given to discharge all the high duties of my exalted station, according to the best of my ability; and I shall enter upon their performance with entire confidence in the support of a just and generous people.

President Harrison entered with a hearty zeal upon the laborious duties of his office, laboring incessantly from the earliest dawn often until midnight. The throngs of people who visited him also imposed a heavy burden upon his hands; but he was unremitting in his labors, until attacked by that disease which terminated his life. On the first of April, he became indisposed, and called in medical assistance. His disease was soon found to be formidable, baffling the skill of the physicians; and so rapidly did his enfeebled frame sink under the disease, that at half-past twelve on the morning of the fourth of April, he sunk calmly into the sleep of death. The last words he uttered were characteristic of his life, and breathed only the devotion of the patriot's heart for the good of his beloved country. "My LAST WISH, ," said he, "IS THAT THE TRUE PRINCIPLES of the GoverNMENT MAY BE CARRIED OUT!-I ASK NOTHING MORE!!"

The general feeling throughout the country was thus eloquently portrayed by the National Intelligencer of the ninth of April, 1841, which contained an account of the funeral pageant :

"So brief had been the late President's illness, that now, as in the case of Washington, there had scarce been time for us to begin to fear, when the stunning blow of the reality fell upon us like the stroke of thunder from a cloudless sky. Men looked aghast, and staggered, as if amazed by something they could scarce believe. But it was true. He who, with open beaming countenance, passed along our streets in the joy of his heart-he, the welcome, the long-expected, the desired, on whom all eyes were fastened, to whom all hearts went out, who had within him more stirring subjects of exhilirating consciousness than have met in any single bosom since Washington was crowned with wreaths as he came back from Yorktown, was, on Wednesday last, within one month, "one little month," borne along that same crowded avenue-crowded not as before with a jubilant people gathered from every quarter of the country, but with sincerely sorrowing multitudes following his bier. As the shouts which then rent the air were the free spontaneous expression of the love and joy of freemen, delighting to confer their highest honors on one whom they believed to have richly deserved them; so, now, the tears which fell from the eyes of woman, the sighs and looks of grief of gray-headed men, the general, universal aspect

of public sorrow, were the unbought, the unpurchasable tribute of a bereaved people to public virtue and devoted patriotism. This was not the momentary gush of feelings wrought upon by the pomp and circumstance of a funeral procession. It was not the sable car, the nodding plumes, the slow and mournful array-it was the event itself-the loss of such a man, at such a time, which drew forth these expressions of public feeling. They will be substantially the same in every part of the country. As it was here, so it will be every where. When the words, "the President is dead," met the ear, the man of business dropped his pen-the artisan dropped his tools-children looked in the faces of their parents, and wives into the countenances of their husbands, and the wail of sorrow arose as if each had lost a parent, or some near and dear friend. Could General Harrison now look down on the land he loved, he might, indeed, "read his history in a nation's eyes ;" and those whose bosoms glow and struggle with high purposes and strong desires for their country's good, may learn in what they now behold, wherever they turn their eyes, how glorious a reward awaits the memory of those who faithfully serve their country!"

[From the National Intelligencer, April 9, 1841.]

THE FUNERAL CEREMONIES.

Wednesday having been set apart for the solemnities of the funeral of the late President, some anxiety was felt, in the early part of the morning, as to the weather, for the sky was overcast, and fears were entertained lest it should come on to rain-but, as the day advanced, these apprehensions were dissipated; and, though it continued rather cool, this did but favor the march of the troops and of the other numerous collections of persons who formed portions of the funeral procession.

At sunrise, the sound of cannon from the several military stations in the vicinity of the city heralded the melancholy occasion which was to assemble the citizens of the District and its neighborhood, and minute-guns were fired during the morning. In entire consonance with those mournful sounds was the aspect of the whole city, as well its dwellings as its population. The buildings on each side of the entire length of the Pennsylvania avenue, with scarcely an exception, and many houses on the contiguous streets, were hung with festoons and streamers of black, not only about the signs and entrances, but in many cases from all the upper stories. Almost every private dwelling had crape upon the knocker and bell-handle of its door, and many of the very humblest abodes hung out some spontaneous signal of the general sorrow. The stores and places of business, even such as are too frequently seen open on the Sabbath, were all closed. Every thing like business seemed to have been forgotten, and all minds to be occupied with the purpose of the day.

The road cars approaching the city were crowded to excess, although the train were doubled; and a large portion of the passengers stood up, from ity, the entire way from Baltimore hither. The steamboats wds of people from Alexandris, and the individuals entering um the adjacent country, on horseback, and in vehicles of every , seemed to be more numerous than even on the occasion of the guration. The great point of attraction was the President's man