respecting which a new negociation was to be opened, of indefinite duration, and doubtful issue. The concluding passage of this message is highly honorable to the feelings which prompted it.

Under this view of the subject, the course to be pursued would appear to be direct and obvious, if the affairs of Spain had remained in the state in which they were when this minister sailed. But it is known that an important change has since taken place in the government of that country, which cannot fail to be sensibly felt, in its intercourse with other nations. The Minister of Spain has essentially declared his inability to act, in consequence of that change. With him, however, under his present powers, nothing could be done. The attitude of the United States must now be assumed, on full consideration of what is due to their rights, their interest, and honor, without regard to the powers or incidents of the late mission. We may, at pleasure, occupy the territory, which was intended and provided by the late treaty as an indemnity for losses so long since sustained by our citizens, but still nothing could be settled definitely, without a treaty between the two nations. Is this the time to make the pressure? If the United States were governed by views of ambition and aggrandizement, many strong reasons might be given in its favor. But they have no objects of that kind to accomplish; none which are not founded in justice, and which can be injured by forbearance. Great hope is entertained that this change will promote the happiness of the Spanish nation. The good order, moderation, and humanity, which have characterized the movement, are the best guarantees of its success. The United States would not be justified in their own estimation, should they take any step to disturb its harmony. When the Spanish government is completely organized on the principles of this change, as it is expected it soon will be, there is just ground to presume that our diffe rences with Spain will be speedily and satisfactorily settled. With these remarks, I submit it to the wisdom of Congress, whether it will not still be advisable to postpone any decision on this subject until the next

session."

On the thirteenth of November, 1820, Congress reassembled at Washington. Mr. Gaillard took the chair of the Senate as President pro tempore; and a committee was appointed to wait on the President of the United States, to inform him of the organization of the Senate, and of its readiness to receive and act upon such communication as he might think proper to make. In the House of Representatives, on calling over the roll, it appeared that there were present a sufficient number of members to constitute a quorum. This being ascertained, the clerk informed the House that he had received a letter from the Honorable Henry Clay, late Speaker of the House, in which Mr. Clay begged leave to resign the office of Speaker, as imperious circumstances would prevent him from attending to its duties till after the Christmas holidays. This was ordered to lie on the table, and to be inserted in the journals of the House. The House then proceeded to ballot for a new Speaker, and no choice having been made after seven successive trials, an adjournment took place without election. It was evident, from an inspection of the ballotings, that the old distinctions of party had been broken down on the occasion, and that the

votes did not indicate the strength of any party before known in the country.

The whole of the following day was spent by the House in an ineffectual attempt to choose a Speaker. Nineteen ballots took place, without the intervention of any circumstances, either from the accession of members, or a disposition to effect an union, to show whether or not a Speaker was to be chosen. The favorite candidates were Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, Mr. J. W. Taylor, of New York, and Mr. Smith, of Maryland. On this day's balloting the former had a plurality of votes four times, Mr. Taylor five times, and Mr. Smith three times.

On the second day of the session, a communication was made to the Senate by the President, accompanied with a copy of the Constitution as adopted for the government of the State of Missouri. This communication having been read, it was resolved that a committee should be appointed to inquire whether any, and if any, what legislative measures may be necessary for admitting the State of Missouri into the Union. On the following day, the choice of Speaker of the House was effected, and Mr. John W. Taylor, of New York, took the chair. The President's message was this day received and read.

It commenced with an expression of much satisfaction at the state of public affairs, and of the general felicity of our situation. Nothing explicit was communicated in respect to our relations with Spain; and no change had occurred in our relations with Great Britain. An attempt had been made to regulate our commerce with France, on the principle of reciprocity and equality, and the French minister was soon expected at Washington to attempt an arrangement of these important interests. The contest between Spain and her colonies was declared to be maintained by the latter with most success.

"In looking to the internal concerns of the country," continued the message, "you will, I am persuaded, derive much satisfaction from a view of the several objects to which, in the discharge of your official duties, your attention will be drawn. Among these, none holds a more important place than the public revenue, from the direct operation of the power by which it is raised, on the people, and by its influence in giving effect to every other power of the government. The revenue depends on the resources of the country, and the facility by which the amount required is raised, is a strong proof of the extent of the resources, and of the efficiency of the government. A few prominent facts will place this great interest in a just light before you. On the thirtieth of September, 1815, the funded and floating debt of the United States was one hundred and nineteen millions six hundred and thirty-five thousand five hundred and fifty-eight dollars. If to this sum be added the amount of five per cent. stock, subscribed to the Bank of the United States, the amount of Mississippi stock, and of the stock which was issued subsequently to that date, the balances ascertained to be due to certain States, for military services, and to individuals, for supplies furnished, and services rendered, during the late war, the public debt may be estimated as amounting at that date, and as afterwards liquidated, to one hundred and fifty-eight millions seven hundred and thirteen thousand forty-nine dollars. On

214

the thirtieth of September, 1820, it amounted to ninety-one millions nine hundred and ninety-three thousand eight hundred and eighty-three dollars, having been reduced in that interval, by payments, sixty-six millions eight hundred and seventy-nine thousand one hundred and sixty-five dollars. During this term, the expenses of the government of the United States were likewise defrayed, in every branch of the civil, military, and naval establishments; the public edifices in this city have been rebuilt, with considerable additions; extensive fortifications have been commenced, and are in a train of execution; permanent arsenals and magazines have been erected in various parts of the Union; our navy has been considerably augmented, and the ordnance, munitions of war, and stores, of the army and navy, which were much exhausted during the war, have been replenished.

By the discharge of so large a proportion of the public debt, and the execution of such extensive and important operations, in so short a time, a just estimate may be formed of the great extent of our national resources. The demonstration is the more complete and gratifying, when it is recollected that the direct tax and excise were repealed soon after the termination of the late war, and that the revenue applied to these purposes has been derived almost wholly from other sources.

"The receipts into the Treasury from every source, to the thirtieth of September last, have amounted to sixteen millions seven hundred and ninety-four thousand one hundred and seven dollars and sixty-six cents; whilst the public expenditures, to the same period, amounted to sixteen millions eight hundred and seventy-one thousand five hundred and thirtyfour dollars and seventy-two cents: leaving in the Treasury, on that day, a sum estimated at one million nine hundred and fifty thousand dollars. "With the Indians peace has been preserved, and a progress made in carrying into effect the act of Congress, making an appropriation for their civilization, with the prospect of favorable results. As connected equally with both these objects, our trade with those tribes is thought to merit the attention of Congress. In their original state, game is their sustenance, and war their occupation; and, if they find no employment from civilized powers, they destroy each other. Left to themselves, their extirpation is inevitable. By a judicious regulation of our trade with them, we supply their wants, administer to their comforts, and gradually, as the game retires, draw them to us. By maintaining posts far in the interior, we acquire a more thorough and direct control over them; without which it is confidently believed that a complete change in their manners can never be accomplished. By such posts, aided by a proper regulation of our trade with them, and a judicious civil administration over them, to be provided for by law, we shall, it is presumed, be enabled not only to protect our own settlements from their savage incursions, and preserve peace among the several tribes, but accomplish also the great purpose of their civilization "Corable progress has also been made in the construction of ships

me of which have been launched in the course of the present

ace with the powers on the coast of Barbary has been preserved,

but we owe it altogether to the presence of our squadron in the Mediterranean. It has been found equally necessary to employ some of our vessels for the protection of our commerce in the Indian sea, the Pacific, and along the Atlantic coast. The interests which we have depending in those quarters, which have been much improved of late, are of great extent, and of high importance to the nation, as well as to the parties concerned, and would undoubtedly suffer, if such protection was not extended to them. In the execution of the law of the last session, for the suppression of the slave trade, some of our public ships have also been employed on the coast of Africa, where several captures have already been made of vessels engaged in that disgraceful traffic."

On the twenty-fifth, Mr. Lowndes, from the committee on the Constitution of Missouri, made an able report on the subject, declaring said constitution to be republican, and concluding with a Resolve, That the State of Missouri shall be, and is hereby, declared to be one of the United States of America, and is admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatever. Mr. Lowndes moved to refer the resolution to a committee of the whole, on the state of the union, which put it into the power of the House to act upon it at any time. Whilst on the floor, he took occasion to say that this report must be considered, as indeed must all reports of committees, as the act of a majority of the committee, and not as expressing the sentiment of every individual of the committee. The debate on this subject continued one week, and it was decided by a majority of fourteen in the House, that Missouri could not be admitted into the Union with the present Constitution. This discussion was managed with great ability and good temper. The members from Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi, voted unanimously in support of the Missouri Constitution. The northern and middle States, with a few exceptions, cast all their votes against its admission.

The Missouri question again presented itself in rather a different shape, on the fourteenth of February, 1821, the day appointed by law for opening and counting the votes for President and Vice-President for the ensuing term. It was foreseen that a difficulty might arise in regard to the votes for Missouri, and, to guard against it, a resolution had been passed in the Senate the day before, directing, among other things, that in case any objection should be made to counting the votes returned from Missouri, and provided these votes would not make any difference in the result, the President should declare that if the votes of Missouri were counted, the number of votes for A. B. for President would be so many, and if the votes of Missouri were not counted, the number would be so many, and that in either case A. B. is elected. The same course in relation to Vice-President. This resolution was taken up in the House this morning. It was generally supported by the restrictionists, and was also warmly supported by Mr. Clay as the only mode of avoiding the difficulty. It was, however, opposed by most of the Missouri party. It was finally agreed to on the part of the House, sometime after the hour appointed for the meeting of the two Houses to count the votes.

The Constitution is not very explicit in prescribing the mode of proce dure, or who shall be judge of the returns. The Senate had passed a resolution, directing that the President of the Senate should preside while the two Houses were assembled. The House of Representatives, not to yield the point of dignity, passed a resolution directing that the Speaker of the House should retain his seat, and that a chair should be provided at his right for the President of the Senate. A message was sent to the Senate to inform them that the House were ready to receive them in the Representatives' Chamber, and to proceed to count the votes. Mr. Clay moved that a committee should be appointed to receive the President and Senate at the door, and conduct them to their seats. This motion was opposed, as without precedent, but it prevailed. A part of the seats of the members, on the right of the chair, were vacated to accommodate the members of the Senate. The President of the Senate having taken his seat, the returns were laid before him by the clerk of the Senate, remaining sealed. Mr. Barbour, teller on the part of the Senate, and Messrs. Smith and Sergeant, tellers on the part of the House, sat at the clerk's table, and the clerks of the Senate and House occupied separate tables in front. The President of the Senate first took up the return from the State of New Hampshire, cut the seal and handed it to the teller on the part of the Senate. He first read the superscription, then the certificate of the Governor of the due appointment of the electors, the record of proceedings of the electors, the number of votes given for each candidate, duly certified by all the electors. The papers were then handed to one of the tellers on the part of the House, who repeated the reading of all the documents in the same order. The Clerk of the Senate, who in the meantime had made an entry of the votes given by the State for each candidate, read it aloud. The clerk of the House then read the entry which he had made, precisely of the same import. The entries made by the clerks were then handed to the tellers and examined by them, and handed back to the clerks. The President of the Senate then took up the return of the State of Massachusetts, cut the seal, and handed it to the teller, and the same order of proceedings was had upon it as before. The same order was observed in relation to the returns of all the States. Some of the returns were much more full and formal than others, and occupied much time in reading. The reading of the whole occupied several hours. When the President of the Senate came to the return of the votes of Missouri, Mr. Livermore of New Hampshire objected to their being received and counted, Missouri not being a State. As soon as this objection was made, a member of the Senate proposed that the Senators should withdraw. The Senate immediately withdrew, and Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, proposed a resolution, importing that Missouri is a State of the Union, and the votes returned from that State ought to be received and counted. A debate ensued on this resolution. A motion was made to postpone the consideration, and afterwards a motion to lay it on the table, which last prevailed. The Senate were then informed by message, that the House were ready to proceed in counting the votes.

The Senate again came in. The return of Missouri was opened and