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you have been pleased to confer upon them by this visit.” A procession was then formed, and the President was escorted through the principal streets of the city to the rooms provided for his reception in the Exchange Coffee-House. During the march of the cavalcade, salutes were fired from Dorchester heights, from the common, Port Independence, and the navy-yard. State-street, through which the procession passed, was fancifully decorated with the flags of the United States, and the numerous merchant ships in the harbor made a brilliant display of their stars and stripes. The crowd of spectators which surrounded the procession was immense, greater than any which had been witnessed since the visit of Washington. Shortly after the arrival of the President at his

rooms, he accompanied the Committee to the second gallery of the old Exchange, where the Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements made an address in behalf of the inhabitants of Boston. He remained in Boston for several days, and was received with the greatest kindness and respect by all its citizens without distinction of party.*

The President continued his journey, and was received with similar tokens of honor at the principal towns on his northern route. Much disappointment was expressed at the manner in which the President was

The minuteness with which the movements of the President are chronicled in the newspapers of the time, almost reminds us of the similar details of the British jour. nals in respect to the various movements of their nobility. The following is the account of his visit to Charlestown :

“On Saturday morning the President visited the navy-yard in Charlestown, conducted by Commodore Hull, the Commissioner. He inspected, with much minuteness, but with rapidity, the numerous branches of this important and extensive establishment; and which the Commissioner has ornamented with numerous improvements. After inspecting the arsenal, warehouses, depots of ordnance and naval stores, and the various quarters and barracks, the President went on board the ships in ordinary

-the Constitution, Java, Macedonian, and Guerriere. He took particular interest in examining “Old Iron-Sides,' which vessel, we understood, he said, 'ought not to be again sent to sea, but be preserved as a monument of national glory. The marine garrison, under Captain Wainwright, did the guard of honor duties upon the occasion, and exhibited a state of exact discipline. On his entrance and departure from the navy-yard, the President was saluted with nineteen guns from the water battery of the yard. After the examination of the whole establishment, the President partook of a sumptuous and elegant dejeune with Mrs. Hull, the lady of the Commissioner. of the guests were nearly two hundred personages, embracing His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, Counsellors, Senators and Represen. tatives of the State, Members of Congress, Judges and Magistrates, Commodore Bainbridge, and numerous naval officers, General Miller, and numerous officers of the army, and many strangers of eminence. The breakfast table was ornamented with the superb vases and services of plate presented to the Commodore by the citi. zens of Philadelphia and Charleston. The President was on the righi, and Governor Brooks on the left of Mrs. Hull; and the splendor of the martial insignia, united with the lustre of beauty and accomplishment, heightened the ensemble of a banquet which displayed the taste of the fair hostess, and the munificence of the gallant Com. modore.

“ Among the persons introduced to the President, on Bunker Hill, were Mr. Thomas Miller, Timothy Thompson, and John Kettel, the only surviving inhabitants of Charles. town, who were in the memorable battle that commenced the war of Independence, on the very spot they then trod upon. The President received them with much affa. bility, and was evidently affected with the scene.''


received sa New Hampshire. During the whole of his tour, he had received the personal attention of all the executives of the States on entering their limits, until he reached New Hampshire. Being then left by the Massachusetts escort, he was obliged to trust himself to stagedrivers and guideposts, until he arrived at Greenland. Here he was received by a large number of the citizens of Portsmouth, and conducted to the metropolis. The neglect of the Governor in not waiting upon the President, nor providing him an escort, was the subject of much witticism at the time among the journals of both parties. How Governor Plumer," observed one paper, “will excuse his conduct upon this occasion, we are unable to say. The eastern doctors disagree upon this subject. One editor says, he did not order out the militia because he had not the power. Another says, he possessed the power, but not the disposition. A third observes, that, being tenacious of the honor of the State, his Excellency wisely concluded that his non-appearance in public would be attended with the least disgrace to his constituents. A fourth says, it is owing to an act passed by the Legislature a few weeks since, offering a bounty for killing crows; which makes it extremely hazardous for his Excellency to appear in public. But, after all, we suspect these gentlemen do not understand the business. The expenses of a parade must necessarily be considerable; and the probability is, that the Governor, having generously relinquished a very considerable portion of his salary for the purchase of popularity, could not well afford it. This we suspect is the true secret; and if so, the censures passed upon the Governor are very unjust and wicked.” His Excellency afterwards addressed an apologetical let. ter to Mr. Monroe, explaining his personal non-attendance by his ill health, and stating that by the jealousy of the State Constitution on the subject of the militia, he was not authorized to call them out, except for cet. tain known objects particularly designated. We hope that the conscientious scruples of the worthy Governor will find numerous examples of imitation on more important subjects.

It is not necessary to follow the President particularly in his norihern and western progress. On leaving Portsmouth, he directed his course westward to Plattsburg, in the state of New York. In his route thither, he visited Dover, Concord, and Hanover, in New Hampshire, and Windsor and Burlington, in Vermont. The important post at Plattsburg occupied his attention for several days. From this place he continued Westward to Ogdensburg, Sackett's Harbor, and Detroit. He reached Washington, on his return, on the 19th of September. Here he was received with honors similar to those which had been paid to him elsewhere, and returned the following answer to the address of the Mayor and Aldermen of Washington :

", I cannot express in sufficiently strong terms the gratification which I feel in returning to the seat of government, after the long and very inte. resting tour in which I have been engaged; and I beg you to be assured that nothing can contribute more to dissipate the fatigue to which I have been exposed, than the very cordial reception which has been given me by my fellow citizens and neighbors, of the city and district.

"I shall always look back to the important incidents of my late tour,


with peculiar sa isfaction. I flatter myself that I have derived from it information, which will be very useful in the discharge of the duties of the high trust confided to me; and, in other respects, it has afforded me the highest gratification. In all that portion of our country through which I have passed, I have seen, with delight, proofs the most conclusive of the devotion of our fellow citizens to the principles of our free republican government, and to our happy union. The spontaneous and independent manner in which these sentiments were declared, by the great body of the people, with other marked circumstances attending them, satisfied me that they came from the heart. United firmly in the support of these great, these vital interests, we may fairly presume that all difficulty on minor questions will disappear.

"In returning to the city of Washington, I rejoice to find the public building, intended for the accommodation of the Chief Magistrate, in a state to receive me, and to admit within it this friendly interview with

Thus terminated the felicitous tour of President Monroe, which could not fail to prove of lasting benefit to the states, by bringing the Executive in such close connexion with all over whom its power was exerted, by conciliating sectional prejudices, and giving birth to a generous mutuality of confidence between the people and their Chief Magistrate.

On the first of December, in pursuance of constitutional provisions, the members of the new Congress assembled at the Capitol, when each house organized itself, and adopted the usual preliminaries of business. Mr. Gaillard of South Carolina took the chair of the Senate as President pro tem; twenty-three members were present. A committee was then appointed to join one from the House, to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that they were ready to receive his communications. The members of the House were called to order by their old clerk, Mr. Dougherty, and they proceeded immediately to the choice of a Speaker, when Mr. Henry Clay received one hundred and forty from one hundred forty-seven votes, and was declared to be elected. Being conducted to the chair, and the oath having been administered, Mr. Clay delivered the following address :

“If we consider, gentlemen, the free and illustrious origin of this assembly; the extent and magnitude of the interests committed to its charge; and the brilliant prospects of the rising confederacy, whose destiny may be materially affected by the legislation of Congress; the House of Representatives justly ranks among the most eminent deliberative bodies that have existed. To be appointed to preside at its deliberations is an ex. alted honor of which I entertain the highest sense. And I pray you to accept, for the flattering manner in which you have conferred it, my profound acknowledgments.

“If I bring into the chair, gentlemen, the advantage of some experience of its duties, far from inspiring me with undue confidence, that experience serves only to fill me with distrust of my own capacity. I have been taught by

how arduous those duties are, and how unavailing would be any efforts of mine to discharge them, without the liberal support and cheering countenance of the House, I shall anxiously seek,

gentlemen, to merit that support and countenance by an undeviating aim at impartiality, and at the preservation of that decorum, without the observance of which the public business must be illy transacted, and the dignity and the character of the House seriously impaired."

On the following day Mr. Monroe transmitted to both Houses of Congress the customary message. He opened with a few remarks on the happy and prosperous condition of our country, the establishment of public credit and the fortunate dissipation of local prejudices. Among the principal topics of the message were the arrangement between Great Britain and the United States for the reduction of the naval force upon the lakes; the report of the commissioners on the island in Passamaquoddy Bay; the negociation with Spain for spoliations on our commerce, and the settlement of boundaries; and our relations with the various powers of Europe. The view of our internal affairs was represented as very gratifying; and the revenue was described as in a very productive state. It promised ability to redeem the whole of the Louisiana debt, and to discharge the Mississippi stock by the year 1819. The militia force of the several States was estimated at eight hundred thousand men, and an improvement in their organization and discipline was recommended to the unremitted attention of Congress. Purchases from the Indian tribes on the borders of Lake Erie, and the other public lands of the Union, form other subjects of consideration. The most important part of the message is that which has reference to the subject of internal improvements, in which the President expresses his opinion of the constitutionality of the interference of Congress. This is embraced in the portion of the message extracted below.

"When we consider the vast extent of territory within the United States, the great amount and value of its productions ; the connexion of its parts, and other circumstances, on which their prosperity and happiness depend, we cannot fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be derived from the facility which may be afforded in the intercourse between them, by means of good roads and canals. Never did a country of such vast extent offer equal inducements to improvements of this kind, nor ever were consequences of such magnitude involved in them. As this subject was acted on by Congress at the last session, and there may be a disposition to revive it at the present, I have brought it into view, for the purpose of communicating my sentiments on a very important circumstance connected with it, with that freedom and candor which a regard for the public interest, and a proper respect for Congress, require. A difference of opinion has existed, from the first formation of our constitution to the present time, among our most enlightened and virtuous citizens, respecting the right of Congress to establish such a system of improvement. Taking into view the trust with which I am now honored, it would be improper, after what has passed, that the discussion should be revived, with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting the right. Disregarding early impressions, I have bestowed on the subject all the deliberation which its great importance, and a just sense of my duty, required—and the result is, a settled conviction in my mind, that Congress do not possess the right. It is not contained in any of the specified powers granted to Congress; nor can I consider it incidental to, or a necessary mean, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying into effect any of the powers which are specifically granted. In communicating this result

, I cannot resist the obligation which I feel to suggest to Congress the propriety of recommending to the States the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution, which

shall give to Congress the right in question. In cases of doubtful construction, especially of such vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our institutions, and will contribute much to preserve them, to apply to our constituents for an explicit grant of the power. We may confidently rely, that if it appears to their satisfaction, that the power is necessary, it will always be granted. In this case I am happy to observe, that experience has afforded

the most ample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation and harmony which now manifests itself throughout our Union, promises to such a recommendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think proper to sug. gest, also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be recommended to the States to include, in the amendment, a right in Congress to institute, likewise, seminaries of learning, for the all-important purpose of diffusing knowledge among our fellow citizens throughout the United States.

“Our manufactories will require the continued attention of Congress. The capital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge acquired in the machinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great value. Their preservation, which depends on due encourage. ment, is connected with the high interests of the nation.

" Although the progress of the public buildings has been as favorable as circumstances have permitted, it is to be regretted that the Capitol is not yet in a state to receive you. There is good cause to presume

that the two wings, the only part as yet commer

nenced, will be prepared for that purpose at the next session. The time seemis now to have arrived, when this subject may be deemed worthy the attention of Congress, on a scale adequate to national purposes. The completion of the middle building will be necessary to the convenient accommodation of Congress, of the committees, and various offices belonging to it. It is evident that the other public buildings are altogether insufficient for the accommodation of the several executive departments, some of whom are much crowded, and even subjected to the necessity of obtaining it in private buildings, at some distance from the head of the department, and with inconvenience to the management of the public business. Most nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and ornament of their metropolis, and none were more conspicuous in that respect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the establishment of a permanent residence for the national government, and the spirit in which it was commenced and has been prosecuted, show that such improvements were thought worthy the attention of this nation. Its central position, between the northern and southern extremes of our union, and its approach to the west, at the head of a great navigable river, which interlocks with the western waters, prove the wisdom of the councils which established it. Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper, than that convenient accommodations should be provided, on a well digested

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