the Houfe fhall give a fanction to an Act, which, under the colour of regulation, will annihilate at once the powers of the East-India Company, and virtually transfer them to the Crown. That the faid bill is deftructive of the effential rights and interefts of your petitioners in many other refpects, and is further defective as to many of the purposes for which it is declared to be framed; and that your petitioners look upon this bill as tending to destroy the liberties of the fubject, from an immenfe addition of power it must give to the influence of the Crown, That your petitioners have never been made acquainted with any charge of delinquency having been made against them in parliament; and that, if any fuch charge has been made, they have never been called upon to be heard against it; and that they cannot therefore fuppofe that any fuch delinquency on fuch delinquency on the part of the Company has been voted; which delinquency, however, is made the ground of this bill; and therefore pray, that they may be heard, by themselves or counfel, against the faid bill, and that the fame may not pafs into a

law.

To the Hon. the Commons of GreatBritain in Parliament assembled.

The humble Petition of feveral Proprietors of the Eaft-India Company, poffeffed of five hundred pounds or more, but lefs than one thousand pounds, of the capital ftock of the faid Company,

(Prefented June 8, 1773.)

Sheweth,

T

HAT your petitioners, by the charter granted to the Eat-India Company by his late Majefty King William, and fince that time repeatedly recognized and confirmed by feveral acts of parliament, in confideration of many large fums of money lent and advanced by the faid Company to the public, are legally poffeffed of a right of voting at any General-Court of the faid Company for the election of Directors, the making of bye-laws, or in any other matter relating to the affairs or government of the faid Company.

That notwithstanding those facred fecurities, under which they purchased their respective shares in the ftock of the faid Company, your petitioners are aftonished to find, that by a clause in the bill now depending in parliament, for establishing certain regulations for the better management of the EaftIndia Company, as well in India as in Europe, they are to be deprived of this right, and of every degree of influence in the management of fo confiderable a property, which is to be wholly transferred to fuch proprietors as are poffeffed of one thousand pounds capital tion that the pernicious practice of ftock or more, under a prefumpfplitting stock by collufive transfers, may be more effectually prevented by fuch a regulation.

That notwithstanding the falfe and groundless afperfions which have been thrown out against fo great a number of your petitioners, which they truft this Honourable Houfe will not make a ground of [P4]

proceed

proceeding to affect their right while unfupported by evidence, your petitioners, who are bona fide proprietors in their own right, beg leave to reprefent,

That no perfons can be more interested to prevent fuch illegal practices, whereby their endeavours for the good of the Company are liable to be defeated by the undue influence of a few wealthy proprie

tors.

That with a view to this the Eaft-India Company petitioned parliament in the year 1767, that the feveral proprietors entitled to vote fhould be obliged to hold this qualification, at leaft fix months before they should exercise that right, in confequence of which an act of parliament was made for that purpofe.

That the Company being ftill further defirous to effectuate the purposes of that a&t, have, at a General - Court, held on the day of May last, directed an application to be made to parliament, for extending the time prefcribed by the faid act of the feventh of his prefent Majefty, from fix to twelve months.

That your petitioners, willing that every remedy may be applied to this evil, are defirous that all the other provifions of the faid bill now depending in parliament for preventing collufive transfers, except the increase of the qualification of the voters, which cannot answer that purpose, fhould pass into a law, which provifions, together with the extenfion of the time to twelve months, muft effectually put a flop to that practice, which has already been, in a great degree, prevented by the operation of the faid act made in 1767,

5

That the propofed increase of the qualification of the voters, cannot in any degree contribute to the end defired, but will rather facilitate than difcourage fo pernicious a practice; fince the fplitting of flock being confined to thofe proprietors who hold large quantities, it will be both eafier, and attended with lefs rifk by death, bankruptcy, or difcovery, to place their ftock in the hands of half the number of perfons, while their influence will thereby be increased in a very great proportion,

That from thence it is evident, that the real effect of this claufe will be the throwing the power of the Company into the hands of a few opulent men, while the only effectual balance to fuch an oligarchy, by the exertion of independent proprietors of moderate fortunes, will be totally destroyed.

That fuppofing it should ever be the intention of the Crown, or its minifters, to exert an undue influence in the management of the Company's affairs, it is evident that intention may be much more eafily effected in a fmaller than in a more numerous body,

That upon the whole, your petitioners conceive that the alteration now propofed, cannot be fupported upon any principle of expediency, or any juft arguments refpecting the purpose for which it is profeffed to be intended.

Your Petitioners therefore hope this Honourable House will give them leave to be heard by themselves in fupport of their own legal rights against the faid bill, which without confent,compenfation made, or charge of delinquency proved, deprives so great a number

number of proprietors of the franchises which they have purchased under the faith of parliament, and has not the excufe of public neceffity, or even utility, to palliate fo violent an act. And your petitioners will pray.

Authentic Letters, relative to the intended Tax upon Irish Abfentees.

From the Duke of Devonshire and other Lords, to Lord North. My Lord,

IT

T is publicly reported, that a project has been communicated to the King's minifters, for propofing in the parliament of Ireland, a tax of regulation, which is particularly and exclufively to affect the property of thofe of his Majefty's fubjects who poffefs lands in that kingdom, but whose ordinary refidence is in this.

It is in the fame manner publicly understood, that this extraordinary defign has been encouraged by an affurance from Adminiftration, that if the heads of a bill propofing such a tax, fhould be tranfmitted from Ireland, they would be returned with the fanction of his Majefty's Privy-Council here, under the Great-Seal of England.

My Lord, we find ourselves comprehended under the defcription of those who are to be the object of this unprecedented impofition.

We poffefs confiderable landed property in both kingdoms; our ordinary refidence is in England. We have not hitherto confidered fuch refidence as an act of delinquency to be punished; or, as a political evil, to be corrected by

the penal operation of a partial tax.

We have had, many of us, our birth, and our earliest habits of this kingdom; fome of us have an indifpenfable public duty, and all of us (where fuch duty does not require fuch reftriction) have the right of free fubjects of choofing our habitation in whatever part of his Majefty's dominions we shall esteem moft convenient.

We cannot hear, without aftonifhment, of a fcheme by which we are to be ftigmatized by, what is in effect, a fine for our abode in this country, the principal member of our British empire, and the refidence of our common Sovereign.

We have ever fhewn the utmoft readiness in contributing with the rest of our fellow-fubjects, in any legal and equal method, to the exigencies of the public fervice, and to the fapport of his Majefty's government.

We have ever borne a cordial, though not an exclufive regard, to the true interests of Ireland, and to all its rights and liberties: to none of which we think our refidence in Great-Britain, to be in the leaft prejudicial, but rather the means, in very many cafes, of affording them a timely and effectual fupport.

We cannot avoid confidering this fcheme as in the highest degree injurious to the welfare of that kingdom, as well as of this; its manifeft tendency is to leffen the value of all landed property there, to put restrictions upon it unknown in any part of the British dominions; and, as far as we can find, without parallel in any civilized country. It leads directly to a separation of these kingdoms in inte

rest

reft and affection; contrary to the ftanding policy of our ancestors, which has been, at every period, and particularly at the glorious revolution, infeparably to connect them by every tie both of affection and interest.

We apply to your Lordship in particular: This is intended as a mode of public fupply; and as we conceive the treafury of Ireland, as well as that of England, is in a great measure within your Lord, Thip's department, we flatter ourfelves we fhall not be refused authentic information concerning a matter in which we are fo nearly concerned; that if the scheme which we ftate to your Lordship doth exift, we may be enabled to purfue every legal method of oppoition to a project, in every light unjuft and impolitic.

We have the honour to be Your Lordship's most obedient, and most humble fervants,

fervants, I cannot with propriety return my anfwer, before I have communicated the contents of it to them, which I will take the firft opportunity of doing. I am perfuaded that your Grace and the other Lords, will excufe this unavoidable delay, and have the honour to be, with the greatest respect,

My Lord,

Your Grace's

Moft faithful humble fervant,

NORTH.

From Lord North to the Duke of Devonshire.

Downing-Street, Od. 21, 1773. My Lord,

You

OUR Grace, and the Lords Rockingham, Befborough, Milton, and Upper Offory, having in your letter of the 16th, defired authentic information concerning a project of propofing to the parliament of Ireland, a tax upon the landed property of fuch perfons whofe ordinary refidence is out of that kingdom, I will endeavour to ftate, in a few words, what has paffed upon the subject.

Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland fent In the courfe of the fummer, the over feveral propofitions for reftoring the credit, providing for the debts, and putting upon a proper footing, the finances of that kingdom; at the fame time he informed his Majefty's fervants here, that he had reafon to believe, that among other modes of fupply, there would probably be a tax of the nature mentioned in your Grace's letter,

The

The answer which was returned to his Excellency, by thofe of his Majesty's fervants, to whom this communication was made, was to the following effect; that if the Irish parliament fhould fend over to England fuch a plan, as fhould appear to be well calculated to give effectual relief to Ireland, in its prefent diftrefs, their opinion would be, that it ought to be carried into execution, although the tax upon abfentees fhould be a part of it.

I beg leave to trouble your Grace to communicate this information to the other Lords, and have the honour to be, with great refpect, &c. &c. &c.

NORTH.

CIRCULAR LETTER.

Am defired by the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Befborongh, Lord Upper Offory, and Lord Mil ton, to communicate to you the inclofed papers, which contain what has paffed between us and his Majefty's minifters, upon the information we had received of a partial land-tax, which is calculated to affect only those who do not commonly refide in that kingdom.

We thought it proper to apply to Lord North, in order to authenticate our intelligence, and to lay a proper ground for a future proceeding on this fubject. It was thought refpectful to Government not to give too easy, a credit to the report of fo very extraordinary a procedure. It appeared neceffary to lofe no time in ftating our objections, that we might give the miniftry here an opportunity of reconfider

ing the matter before it fhould be openly countenanced by the King's fervants in Ireland.

Lord North's fecond anfwer to our letter, contains an explicit avowal of the defign; it is coloured over with the ufual pretences of fupplying the revenue, and restoring public credit; but, if the ordinary revenue of Ireland, by any management, is become now, in the time of profound peace, fo unequal to the fupport of the establishments, as to require extraerdinary aids, we cannot conceive, that the neceffity of new taxes, can furnish a reason for impofing fuch as are unjust.

The Irish parliament meets again on the 28th of this month. Many gentlemen of confideration for their intereft and abilities, will oppose this project in Ireland; but with the previous countenance it has received here, it is to be apprehended, that their oppofition may prove ineffectual, and that the tax bill may be tranfmitted to England before the end of November.

The oppofition, therefore, in order to be effectual must be early; and it must be made in England as well as in Ireland. We have a right to be heard by our council against this meafure, and may oppofe it in every stage of its progrefs before the privy-council here.

It is therefore wifned that a general meeting of those who are moft immediately concerned, may be held in London about the middle of November.

You fhall undoubtedly be informed of any future fteps that may be taken in this unprecedented plan of taxation, and fhall receive proper notice of the precife time