wisdom of the "Compromise," as a final and some form may be expected to exist; its total equal adjustment of those sectional controver- extirpation, to be desirable, must be the sponsies such a report would have become Ken-taneous result of a moral, peaceful, and protucky, and, if well done, would have told forgressive causation. If it be the will of Provits author, his State, and the Union, now and idence that it shall ever cease in Kentucky, it in all time to come. It was expected of Kentucky, and would have placed her where she ought to stand-as the chief pacificator and conservator of our common country. The member I selected for that great work was, in my opinion, as well suited to it as any other I could have chosen, and I supposed that he would delight to perform it. But he seems to have considered such a report as I have indicated, or any report, unnecessary.

will decline gradually into a natural death or to such a state of decay as to induce general acquiescence in a law of the land anticipating that mode of extinction. Emancipation by law, in any just, satisfactory, or even practical mode, has hitherto been, and yet is altogether hopeless in Kentucky for years to come. This, in my judgment, is the view of enlarged benevolence, comprehensive patriotism, and enlightened statesmanship. It has always seemed to me that our true policy is to let the problem 3. The political atmosphere-too often in- of slavery work out its own solution without fected by the pestilent breath of selfish and intestine commotion. If thus allowed to run unscrupulous demagogues-has been lately its natural course under the guidance only of disturbed at the capitol, by rumors which, interest, reason, and the moral sense, time though artfully vague and intangible, were would, in the only congenial season, mark its designed to misrepresent my poor opinions destiny-and, whatever that might be, all and conduct concerning domestic slavery. To would be peaceful and right. If, as many phirectify honest error, if any such exist, and to lanthropists esteem it, slavery in Kentucky be leave no honorable excuse for delusion in fu-a curse, premature and compulsive emancipature, I consider it proper now to take notice of a subject in which I had hitherto presumed that the public would feel no interest. Duty to you, as well as to myself, requires it.

On no institution, domestic or political, have I, ever since I was a man, thought with a more intense and constant anxiety than on that of African slavery in our country; and on no subject of social organization or economy have I written or spoken more frequently, more explicitly, or with a consistency more uniform and undeviating. My sentiments in relation to it in all its bearings, have, for the last 30 years, undergone no material change; and I have never concealed or dissembled any opinion or principle I held on any subject of public concern.

tion would, as I think, be, to both races, a greater curse. Consequently, holding these opinions, I have, on all occasions, opposed any agitation of the question of emancipation, instaut or prospective-and have probably suffered as much, by that course, as any other citizen.

To give as much stability and security to slavery here as possible, as long as it shall continue among us, and to promote the wealth and true political economy of the State, I was in favor of the non-importation policy of 1833, which has been sustained, for many years, by a majority of the slaveholding States of the Union, and was initiated and long continued in Kentucky by a majority of wise and good men of all classes and denominations. And I have never believed that the enslavement to prevent the discussion of slavery in any of the black can be a blessing to the white form on the stump and in the halls of legislarace; I do not esteem slavery, in itself, an in-tion, I would have been pleased to see that dividual or a social good. But, whatever may principle imbedded in the Constitution. To be said of its morality, national or personal, I prevent convulsion and assure progressive imhave a strong hope that American slavery will provement in the fundamental law, I also ad-, eventuate in the ultimate civilization of vocated a provision authorizing specific amenddoomed Africa—and in the aggregate welfarements by a conservative majority, without the of mankind. I am not sure that it has not delays, expense, and hazards of a convention been sanctioned by Omniscience as a providen- with power to change, at once, the whole tial mean of promoting human progress and fabric of the Constitution. This theory has amelioration. And I have never doubted that been illustrated by the Constitution of the when the white and the black races live to- United States, and those also of nearly every gether, as they now co-exist in Kentucky, the State in the Union except Kentucky. It has welfare of the inferior and the security of the been tried in nearly all the slaveholding States, superior race would both be promoted by the and, instead of inviting, it has repressed agisubordination of the former to the tutelage tation on the subject of slavery, because, when and dominion of the latter. Having gradually there is a known majority against emancipa"grown with our growth, and strengthened tion, there will be no danger of the agitation with our strength," slavery cannot be speedi-of a specific amendment for that hopeless purly eradicated without convulsion. Whenever pose only.

all mankind shall become civilized, then all I have often, and on all proper occasions, may be free. Until some such approximation denounced abolitionism in all its forms. And to equality and ultimate destiny, slavery, in I have also denounced all interference, by

Congress, with the domestic relations of the In 1828 I accepted the appointment of States, or even of the Territories over which Secretary of State under Gov. Metcalfe, init exercises legislative power. In 1819, on a tending to remove to Frankfort, where I exbill introduced by myself to organize the Ter-pected to make a comfortable independence in ritorial Government of Arkansas, an attempt a few years by a practice in the superior courts, was made by the north to interdict slavery in which then promised to be unusually producthat Territory. A protracted and exciting tive. But, in December of that year, I was discussion ensued; and, on that occasion, Iar-prevailed on against my own judgment, and at gned against the principle, justice and policy of such an interdict, and predicted the consequences which have followed the persevering efforts to adopt the "Wilmot Proviso." In 1820 I opposed in Congress the attempted restriction on Missouri. In 1848-9, I again denounced all such efforts as the offspring of blind fanaticism and of ambition of political power and aggrandisement-as inconsistent with philanthropy-as unjust to slaveholders -as perilous to the Union-and as in open conflict with the American doctrine that every free people ought to regulate their own policy, and especially their own domestic relations. In all I ever wrote or uttered on the subjeet of slavery, the foregoing sentiments were embodied; and nothing I ever said or did can be shown to conflict with them in the slightest degree. On this subject I challenge scrutiny, in this presence and elsewhere.

severely for presuming to vote for one distinguished Whig against another!

me,

Thus

the hazard of much saerifice of interest and liberty, to accept a seat on the appellate bench, with a salary of not more than $1,000 in legal currency. In that unwelcome office I labored nearly fourteen years, with scarcely ever the leisure of a "Cotter's Saturday night." I never sought an office in my life, though I had been offered some of the best offices under the federal government; but acceptance being inconsistent with domestic comfort and obligation, I had declined them. In the memorable "New Election" contest in 1816-17, I had staked myself as one of a forlorn hope against a powerful majority, led by some distinguished men who have since been good Whigs. In 1843 I resigned the Chief-Justiceship of Kentucky, and resumed the practice of law, by which I have since made the chief portion of a small estate, sufficient for all purposes of rational comfort and independence. 4. A more delicate subject remains to be having subjected myself to self-denial and touched. It happened to be my fortune to be self-sacrificing drudgery for thirty years, and among those from whom a choice of two Sen-finding myself at last in a condition in which I ators in Congress was made. And in those could afford to occupy a seat in the Senate of contests I was made to suffer-most unjustly, the Union, I presumed to say, for the first time, as I must be allowed to think-not only on that if the Legislature should think fit to elect the ground already allnded to, but still more deserve it by faithful service not unworthy of I would feel it an honor, and endeavor to myself or my distinguished State. This was my position when I came here. I asked no member for his support-I resorted to none of the accustomed modes of conciliating favor. I stood perfectly still, awaiting the spontaneous decision of the people's representatives.When a small boy a native born of Ken-Looking at the history of the State and the tucky-I was doomed to orphanage. At the fortune and destiny of its public men, I did age of 19 I was married and commenced the really feel that the time had come when business of life, without a dollar on earth. At I might be a National Senator. the age of 25 Iwas elected to Congress, and was I soon found that friends of two others were twice successively re-elected. I was pleased resolved on running each of them. I did not with political life, and was cheered with en-feel it my duty longer to give back. And my couraging prospects of success. But para- friends determined to nominate me. One of mount duties to a young and growing family required me to stifle all political ambition and to resign my scat for my entire third term. I had but just reinstated myself in the practice of my profession when, in 1822, my fellow citizens of Garrard, required me to come to the State Legislature on the occasion of the relief agitation. Having thus embarked on a tempestuous sea, I felt it my duty to ride out the storm of "Relief" and "Old and New Court," which never ceased until 1827. For five years I devoted myself, at great pecuniary sacrifice, on the stump, through the press, and in the legislative halls, to the discussion of the great questions which then agitated Kentucky to convulsion and almost to revolution.

I trust that I will be pardoned for here making personal allusions which, under other circumstances, might savor of egotism, and of indelicacy to others.

those others was not nominated at the startbut most of his friends voted against me; and when one of the three Whig nominees was withdrawn, they nominated another Whig. Foreseeing the unpropitious results of such a contest, I determined not to be responsible for them, and directed the withdrawal of my name in defiance of the opposing wishes and counsels of many of my friends. My vote afterwards subjected me to proscription by many old and constant friends, some of whom had, in the first instance, been for me against any person contemplated as a candidate. Not to complain, but only to illustrate the force of that feeling I here state-what you all know-that, after the vote alluded to, some of my oldest

friends-my own senator among others-un- Our session, gentlemen, has been unusually der their obligations to conscience, to constit- eventful. It has produced more in the same uents, and to their country, voted against me time than any which ever preceded it.— on all occasions and for every body who was Whether our constituents will be greatly put up against me. How far this proscription blessed by its labors, the fruits of them will for the same liberty of opinion which they soon show. It is but an act of justice, however, themselves exercised, may promote the har- to declare that patriotism, industry and intelmony or increase the strength of the now dom-ligence have generally signalized your delibinant party, time may tell. According to my erations. And now about to separate, I fercreed, it is hardly consistent with justice, vently hope that we may all part in peace and policy, or the spirit of our free institutions; friendship. Should it be the fate of any of us and I fervently hope that, though it may have never to meet again on earth, may we cherish victimized me, it may here pause and not be-no unkind memories of the past. For myself, come contagious. I can sincerely declare that, whatever may be the future destiny of any or all of you, I shall ever sympathize in your good fortune.

In casting the pregnant vote, I was influenced by no other consideration than a regard to distributive justice, the harmony of the Whig party, and my sense of duty to my immediate constituents. Had I submitted myself to personal or to selfish motives, my vote might have been very different. I did only what I felt to be my duty, as well as privilege -and, so believing, no fear of ostracism could have changed my course

In the election of Mr. Clay's successor, my friends were consequently placed between two waves. Nevertheless, they failed, as they and I believe, by an accident which might not occur again in a thousand trials.

May you all return in good health to your homes, and meet the smiles of your families, constituents, and friends. And may our beloved country grow and prosper under our legislation.

This is a momentous age-an age not of transition only, but of wonderful progress and development. And the position of Kentucky is peculiarly interesting and responsible. This land of promise-this western world, may soon wield the destinies of America, and, through its power and example, those of all mankind. Kentucky-the first born of the Cis-Alleghenian States, and the mother of some of them-may, by right principles and conduct, save or destroy institutions most glorious in the past and most hopeful for the future. Let her cling to her motto-let her

Had not this decident occurred, the result would have been altogether different from what it was-as many of both parties of this House confidently believe. But notwithstand-preserve untarnished her escutcheon-let ing all the combinations and accidents which led her maintain her national position-and to the actual result, I acquiesce cheerfully in it. all will be well. But, whatever may betide Perhaps it is best-best for me-and best us, may none of us live to see the broad flag for the country. The people's representatives of the Union bow to faction, or the hull of the are presumed to know who are the best quali-constitution of Washington split into fragments. fied to sustain, in the National Senate, the May it be our better destiny to live long honor of Kentucky and the integrity of the enough to behold that noble ship survive, unUnion. And I bow to their decision, howev-hurt, the storm which besets it, and that bright er brought about. I have thought proper to banner float higher and higher, until it shall say what I have just said to show that my be the guardian emblem of the civilized earth. name was not, at my instance or for any factious or hopeless purpose, obtruded on the Legislature in the late memorable contests for seats in the Senate of the United States. 43

I shall never again occupy this chair, or a seat on this floor. I now take my leave of both forever. Farewell.

This House is now adjourned sine die.

PRELECTION,

Pursuant to adjournment, the Association met at the Court House at half-past two o'clock, Resolved, That our friends in all parts of when the Hon. Geo. Robertson arose, and afthe county be requested to organize themselves ter a few preliminary remarks, in which he as soon as possible for the work before them; briefly but forcibly recapitulated the objecand employ all proper means for disseminat- tions to the new Constitution, closed by read ing truth on the great subject to be decided ating the following address which was unanithe polls in May. mously adopted.

TO THE CITIZENS OF FAYETTE.

Fellow Citizens:--A portion of the citizens stituted as to operate as a wholesome check on of Kentucky lately assembled, from various the others; and, by thus preserving a conquarters of the State at the capitol, for the servative equilibrium of power, to uphold all purpose of organizing "the friends of Consti- guarantied rights against unconstitutional tutional Liberty" in opposition to the adoption encroachment by even a ruling party of the of the new scheme of Government proposed people themselves No limitation on legislaby the Convention elected to revise our exist-tive power would be effectual, nor any guaraning Constitution. The day of their assem-tee of life, property, or liberty of speech or of bling was auspicious to a happy result. On conscience availing, without a Judiciary armed the birth-day of Washington, freemen of Ken- with authority to expound and administer tucky met together in council to assert and all law, and so organized as to be able and maintain the principles of Washington; on willing to do justice between the high and the the anniversary of the commencement of the low, and maintain the supremacy of the Conglorious battle of Buena Vista, they commen- stitution in defiance of the seductions of popced a civil contest far more eventful-a battle ularity or the terrors of power in an ascendant of civil liberty-the battle of the Constitution party, however large or domineering. This, at -the battle of Kentucky; on the final issue of last, is the anchor of a free State-the palladwhich may depend the destiny of our distin-ium of true liberty and security. For want of guished Commonwealth. such anchorage, every Republican Ship of In conformity to a suggestion by that as-State which the wisdom of antiquity or the sembly we, citizens of Fayette, have convened patriotism of the middle ages ever launched at Lexington to pledge our zealous co-opera- on the ocean of popular will, has sunk under tion in the patriotic work it has proposed, and the waves of party passion. briefly, but candidly, to address our fellow Instructed by the experience of ag es, Washcitizens of the county on a subject most inter-ington, Franklin, Madison, and their compeers esting to us all, and to our children and child-in the Federal Convention of 1787, constructren's children, for generations to come.

ed a national government on the true and only To be free is the natural right, as well as the available plan: and their mighty work is just instinctive desire, of all civilized men. If all ly considered the model Constitution of every men had the absolute liberty to do whatever free, virtuous, and enlightened people. Kenthey might will to do, no man could be secure tucky-the first born of the "old 13," fashionin the enjoyment of any right. Therefore ed her Constitution by that finished model. some common government over all, and with And hence our Constitution, under which we power to protect each in the enjoyment of the have lived and prospered for more than half a cardinal rights of life, liberty, property and century, may be justly said to be the offspring civil equality against a dominant party, is in- of the matured and rectified wisdom of the dispensable to the practical freedom and se- Father of his Country, and his enlightened curity of the citizens of every Democracy, of co-laborers in the cause of American liberty. whatever form. Liberty without security is a It is a shoot from the stock planted by their delusive mockery-it is anarchy, which is the hands-the anatomy is the same every thing worst form of despotism. To secure to every organic, every thing vital, is essentially the citizen as much of natural liberty as may be same. And therefore, if one be radically defeccompatible with the stability of public au- tive, the other must be equally so-and, if the thority and the security of the fundamental frame-work of the one be right, that of the rights of all, is the great problem of Republi- other cannot be wrong. We are satisfied that can Government, which, if everto be effectually in the stamina of a Republican Constitution solved on earth, has been already exemplified each of them is as perfect as human wisdom only by the Anglo-Saxon race in the present will ever be able to make. But, like all the age, and in our blessed America. The Amer-works of fallible man, both of them are, in ican mode of effecting this great end-the desire of all just men-is by the adoption of written Constitutions, recognizing the civil equality of every citizen, imposing limitations on the power of numbers, and distributing all popular sovereignty among three co-ordinate bodies of magistracy, each the organ of the people within its separate sphere, and so con

some portions of their superstructure, imperfect, and might, in that respect, be improved. None of these, however, are esential to vitality or stability. No prefect Constitution will ever be made by the hands of man; nor, if such an one should be given to us by Omniscience, would we all be satisfied with it. Human wisdom will never make a Constitution which