ADDRESS To the People of Fayette when a Candidate for the Convention. The position which I occupy as a candidate glorious and beneficent to mankind; and for the Convention, being misunderstood or misrepresented-especially on the subject of slavery-I feel it my duty to you, as well as to myself and to my principles, to define that position in a mode which will be accessible to all and leave no pretext for misconception hereafter. trusting in the benevolent purposes of that overruling guardianship, I cannot doubt that the day will come, when all mankind will be prepared to enjoy, and will therefore enjoy, civil, religious, and personal liberty and light. But I apprehend that day is not our day. I have no hope of living to see even The present Constitution of Kentucky is, in Kentucky a free State. To cease peacefully my judgment, the best in the Union. It is not or advantageously here, slavery must run its perfect, because no work of mau ever was or natural course and wear out. And, if let alone ever will be. Nor is there, probably, one intel--if neither increased by importations, nor ligent citizen of the Commonwealth, who tampered with by fanaticism-it will run its would not make some alteration in it, if he race in Kentucky and find its appropri could. But no constitution was ever adopted, which any one, even of those who concurred in the adoption of it, preferred in every respect. Being a common work, it must be the offspring of a compromise of conflicting in terests and opinions, whereby each party to it surrenders more or less of what he would individually prefer. Although I have but little hope that we are now prepared to make a better Constitution than that under whose banner many of us were born and our State has prospered and been eminently honored, yet it is my interest and my desire that we shall adopt one as good as our collective reason and experience will enable us to make, all acting soberly for ourselves and for those who shall come after us. ate grave, in its appointed time, as certainly as wisdom, benevolence, and power preside over the destinies of men. Its natural life may be longer or shorter; but, sooner or later, its doomed death is certain. I am not for trying, by empirical patent medicines, to prolong its artificial life, or hasten a premature and convulsive death. But I would administer such remedies as may make it as sound and healthful as it is capable of being, as long as it is destined to exist. For reasons which I will explain on more proper occasions, I am opposed to all attempts to provide in the new Constitution, for a prospective system of Emancipation. At the same time, I am opposed to doing or suffering to be done, any thing that will increase the evils or jeopard the soundness of slavery as it now exits among us. I am, therefore, in favor of preventing the importation of more slaves from abroad by some fundamental provision, which will be supreme and inviolate. And, for this policy, I will briefly suggest the following principal reasons, hereafter to be elucidated and enforced on more There is great danger that a headlong agitation of questions concerning slavery will dethrone reason and instal passion as the arbitress in the approaching Convention, and place in it many members who are neither Soundly conservative on other more radical subjects, nor in any proper respect qualified for framing an organic law for the great Com-eligible occasions: monwealth of Kentucky. This agitation I have long apprehended and anxiously endeavored, as far as I could, to prevent; and consequently, come as it may, I shall feel guiltless of any of its injurious consequences. It is unreasonable and could and should be avoided. adhered to by our mother, Virginia, ever since 1st. The non-importation policy has been 1778; with the approbation, of course, of her statesmen and people, headed, too, by such patriots as Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry, Marshall, and Monroe. This is strong proof of its wisdom. I am not one of those who believe that domestic slavery is a blessing, moral or physical, to the white race. I cannot believe that it 2nd. It has, in some degree, and with varimakes us richer, more moral, more religious, ous sanctions, been persisted in by Kentucky more peaceful, more secure, or more happy-ever since she became a State-and was made nor can I admit that, under its various influences, our children become more industrious, more practical, or more useful; and I am sure that free labor is degraded, and laboring freemen greatly injured by slavery. If, in the dispensation of an all-wise Providence, it could be obliterated from the face of the earth, I should consider the achievement as most more comprehensive and stringent than before by the act of 1833, which stood the test of scrutiny and trial for fifteen years, and was never shaken until last winter-when it was virtually repealed under the influence, as I think, of erroneous conceptions and misguided feelings, and against the earnest opposition of all your representatives. 3rd. There are now as many slaves in our-the value of augmented production. Not State as the best interests of slave-holders only also does slave labor tend to the disparthemselves would allow; the importation of agement of free labor, and thereby make it more would only reduce the value of the servi-comparatively rare, but a considerable reducces of those we now have, and tend to make tion in the price of servile labor must result slaves worse and their tenure less secure and in the starvation or expatriation of mechanics comfortable; and, hence, northern abolitionists and other freemen, whose honorable destiny would be pleased with that result, and there- it may be to live and feed their dependent fore they favor the policy of increasing the wives and children by the sweat of their brow. number and circumscribing the theater of And as these useful and productive citizens slaves in all the slave-holding States. leave us, their places will be filled by worthless 4th. As the law now stands, persons who and comparatively unproductive slaves, and wish to buy slaves for their own use will not this garden of the great West may finally be generally, if at all, import them, because the monopolized by a bloated aristocracy, whose kind they would buy cannot be obtained in staple business will consist of breeding, feedany other State cheaper than in Kentucky-ing, and selling negroes. Besides, as this genthe experiment has lately been tried by a com-eration is not responsible for the existence of pany, whose agent has just returned from slavery, it ought not, by the voluntary imporVirginia without one slave. But exporters of tation of more slaves from abroad, to make horses, mules, &c., may exchange their stock itself responsible for throwing on posterity for likely slaves of bad and mischeivous qualan accumulated and perhaps unmanageable ities, because these they may buy for a re- and destructive burden. duced price, which will afford them a profit here-selling, as they might, the slaves according to appearance, without communicating, and perhaps without knowing their vi cious propensities or other bad qualities. And and Mississippi has inserted it in her Conthus our slave population would be injuri- stitution. This ought to prove, even to the ously corrupted, and our peace and security enmost ultra of the pro-slavery men, that the dangered. And thus also our export trade policy is wise and must be beneficial to them, would be comparatively unproductive in as well as all to others. And if any of them consequence of the importation of slaves in-will still denounce it as an "emancipation stead of money, and slaves too that would not move," they must also consider the Father of increase the aggregate wealth of the State, but his Country, and other illustrious Virginians, probably reduce it by a resulting reduction in emancipationists, and Virginia, South Carolithe value of slave labor. The history of our na, Mississippi, &c., emancipation States!—-domestic trade before and since 1833 proves this deduction undeniably. As long as that law was reasonably observed, the prosperity of the State increased in an unexampled ratio. In seven years immediately succeeding the enactment of it, the aggregate wealth of Kentucky rose from one hundred and twenty-six millions to about two hundred and forty millions of dollars! It is idle to argue that slaves will not be imported by negro traders and exporters of stock. They were the chief importers under the laws of 1794 and 1815, both of which, like the existing law, authorized importations for use and Lot for sale; and they will yet be the almost exclusive importers--and by their operations, the currency, as all experience testifies, will be embarrassed and reduced by large investments in negroes, and by extensive exchanges of stock and produce for slaves, instead of money, imported. Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi 6th. Not only Virginia, but Maryland, both have, long since, adopted the importation poli This is all humbug—which ought not to deceive or mislead honest and patriotic citizens; and of this you ought to be satisfied when you see such counties as Bourbon, Mason, Shelby, Jefferson, Boyle, Garrard, Madison, and a host of others, uniting, some of them almost unanimously, in the purpose of prohibiting, in the new Constitution, the further importation of slaves. For these, as well as other reasons, the owners of slaves, and those who neither own nor wish to own any, ought to favor non-importation. If it be the interest of Kentucky that slavery should be perpetuated, this policy, however fundamental, would not frustrate, but would prudently, tranquilly, and progressively erty more desirable and productive. promote that destiny by rendering slave prop The emancipationist, as well as the perpetualist, should advocate the same policy of nonimportation of more slaves for the following reasons: 5th. As labor is the ultimate test of the price of products, a reduction in the price of slave labor, resulting from increasing the number of 1st. If, in climate and products, Kentucky slaves, will produce a corresponding reduc- be as much adapted as the planting and more tion in the exchangeable value of the proceeds Southern States to slave labor, slavery will of that labor: and though a buyer or hirer of exist here as long as it shall continue there, slave may have something less to pay, yet he and no legislative expedient can prevent it; will not be, relatively, a gainer-for the value and, on this hypothesis, surely the philanthroof the slave and of his service will be reduced pist would desire to see slaves as good and as correspondingly with the diminished cost of comfortable as possible, and as little subject purchase or of hire, and even in a greater ratio as possible to be torn from those they love. a 332 MR. ROBERTSON'S ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF FAYETTE. 2nd. Emancipation now is utterly hopeless the public treasury, and thus paralyze and -public sentiment is not prepared for it-and render unequal and contemptible any mere even if it were otherwise, no permanent, just legislative enactment prohibiting importations. and practicable scheme could be devised until If non-importation be right-it must be right the number of slaves shall be considerably to secure the enforcement of it; and it must diminished-and this can be effected only by be as right and proper to secure this by the non-importation and voluntary exportation. Constitution as any thing else that should be If this generation, or its successor, be destined secured inviolate. And, as history abundantly to see the day of universal freedom in Ken- proves, he cannot be practically in favor of tucky, the dawn of that day will have been the act of 1833, who would even disapprove a preceded by non-importation. constitutional provision to the same effect. 3rd. If it be the interest and destiny of Ken-If it should be found inconvenient, the people, tucky to get rid of slavery, that result will be under the clause authorizing special amendaccomplished by non-importation more certain-ments, could, and soon would strike it out, ly, more satisfactorily, and more speedily than The only object of inserting it in the Constiin any other mode. On the hypothesis sugges-tution is to place it above legislative caprice, ted, public sentiment, backed by interest, would and make it stable and uniform as long as soon begin to converge to that point, and the public sentiment shall approve it. ultimate result would be accelerated by antici- Now, why cannot all good and wise menpation. This, I think, might be made evident all who wish to preserve the peace, the reason, by various considerations, if it be assumed as and the safety of the Commonwealth—all true that slavery is incompatible with the in- who, prudent and firm, of whatever party, deterest and high destiny of our State. If, then, sire to accomplish the best of practical ends, emancipation be prudent and practicable at any and to not lose even these, as well as more, future period, non-importation will not only by recklessly attempting what is either unatbe indispensable, but will certainly lead to it. tainable or unreasonable-why cannot-why And if it be not prudent or practicable at some will not all such men unite on the foregoing future day, non-importation will improve the platform? quality and value of slave property, and promote the peace, security and wealth of the State. Emancipation, prospective or immediate, in my judgment, is not the true or proper issue; and I do seriously apprehend that the agitaI, therefore, am not of any extreme party. tion of it by pro-slavery men or emancipation I am for a Constitution which will guaranty men would result in the defeat of the non-imthe inviolability of slave property-and also portation policy and in the production of perprohibit future importations of slaves, with a nicious passions and disorganizations which sanction that will uphold the prohibition. I the forlorn wisdom of an age may not cure. am also in favor of a provision authorizing, The late Convention at Frankfort, as I unlike the Federal Constitution, partial amend-derstand, proposed to waive that issue and inments without involving, as our present Con-sist only on non-importation and the right to stitution does, the whole organie fabrick. adopt special amendments of the Constitution. And in this I am sustained by the Convention I believe that, in their sober senses, a large party, who, in their published programme, majority of the people would co-operate in recommend such a provision. I would not object to the legislative power to provide for prospective emancipation whenever three-fifths of the people decide in favor of it; which majority, or something near it, I would require for any other amendment-believing that no Constitution could have proper stability if a bare majority could, at any time, change it. preserving the peace and guarding the security of the State, by uniting on the only safe or practicable point of concurrence, whereby all would be finally benefited and none would surrender anything of principle or of attainable interest. It seems plain to me, indeed self-evident, that all, whose paramount object is their country's welfare, should unite on I have, much to my surprise, however, heard the non-importation policy, and thereby give of some persons, who, whilst they aver that they repose to society, stability to our policy, approve the non-importation policy, are, never-and security to our institutions. And then theless, somehow or other, so much opposed to its being made fundamental, as to have resolved to vote for no person as a delegate to the Convention, who, though coincident with them in every other matter, will vote to embed non-importation in the Constitution so as to make it operate effectually! This feeling is, Will it be prudent or safe for those who to me, inscrutable. The act of 1833 was, may be opposed to emancipation in any form for years, almost a dead letter-the acts of or at any time, to oppose the non-importation 1815 and of 1794 were mere mockeries, and policy merely because others, who have been had no operation. Besides, if the legislature characterized as emancipationists, have rehave the power, it will, as always hitherto, solved to support it and are willing to comlegalize individual importations, at the cost of promise upon that basis? I could not approve also the people, looking dispassionately at other and more fundamental issues, may prudently select, throughout the State, their best and most trustworthy citizens to the Convention-without doing which they cannot expect a good or safe Constitution. such a course. I would prefer to go for my be a barren and gratuitous issue, it will be country and its peace, even at the expense of seen how far the real people of Fayette will some individual preference as to a matter of approve or disapprove the effort. But I do controverted policy. But surely no patriot earnestly hope that extremists of all sorts will ought to oppose a wholesome measure only prudently cool down into a considerate moderbecause persons, of whom he may feel jealous, ation and forbearance, and that finally, all, or would concur with him in adopting it. a large majority of the sovereign people, will Many others, and some of them more radi-unite, as patriots and brothers, in the solemn cal matters, will be considered and settled by the coming Convention. As I cannot, in this mode of communication, fully notice any of these important subjects, I shall not now attempt it; but will cheerfully and candidly express my opinions as to any or all of them on more appropriate occasions. But there may yet be some danger that the stultifying topic of negroes, bond and free, may be suffered to overrule every other subject, however important; and, in that event, not concurring with the ultras of either of the extreme and uncompromising wings of an unnecessarily belligerent line, I might be placed between two consuming fires; but, I would still wish to be an humble mediator; and, whether heeded or not, should enjoy the consolations assured to the "peace maker." If some impracticable persons will still strive to produce an unreasonable excitement and an unblessed organization on what now seems to work of reconstructing our organic system. I have hitherto stood quietly by, reposing on my own fixed principles; and, with a pure conscience and an upright purpose, there I expect to stand or fall. I should be pleased to receive the support of all of every party and denomination who concur in those priciples and are willing to stand on the platform laid down in my speech in the last Legislature, and herein again exhibited. And I am yet to learn why I might not only receive but reasonably expect the aid (in every form in which it may lawfully be given,) of all parties and of all individuals who concur with me in policy. Standing under the unpatronized flag of my own principles I would gratefully accept the nomination and support of all those who are willing to stand by me on these principles, and uphold the same or a kindred banner. GEORGE ROBERTSON: VALEDICTORY ADDRESS. Extracts from the Valedictory Address of Mr. The end has come. We are about to part, probably never to meet again-certainly not in our present associations. sistently avoid it. As many of you know, I did all I could to prevent it. If, by a reluctant acceptance of the place, I have provoked the jealousy of any human being, the fault is not mine, and the wrong lies not at the door of my conscience. 2. In the organization of the standing committees, I may not, as no other Speaker ever For your recorded and unanimous approval did or could, have given universal satisfation. of my conduct in the position to which your I could not be expected to know the exact suffrages called me at the beginning of this aptitudes of all the members--and if I had session, I tender you, collectively and individ- possessed that rare knowledge, it could not be nally, my cordial acknowledgements. I had presumed that I should agree with every memneither wish nor motive to fill this arduous ber in his self-estimation. I employed unusual and responsible station-and, in occupying it care in ascertaining the peculiar qualifications in obedience to your call, I made a sacrifice of of the members, and with all the information my own judgment and personal interest. II was able to obtain, I made those arrangeprefered the floor, because there I might have ments which I considered best for the House, been able to do more for my constituents and and best for the country. And though I may more in my own behalf than I could hope to not, in every instance, have made precisely do in the confinement of this chair. Here, the most fortunate location, I am now, after however, I have faithfully endeavored to do the experience of two months, as well satisfied my whole duty as your presiding officer. The with that, as with any other public act of my only reward I desired or could have expected, life. A few persons objected that I gave the was the approbation of my own conscience Democrats an unjust share of influence. To and of your judgments. These I enjoy the first this I now reply, that I felt it to be my duty I know the last I hope. And now, in this to be impartial in the execution of the trust closing scene of an eventful drama, before I confided to me-to endeavor to be the organ pronounce my last duty of dissolving this body of the House, and not of one portion of it to the and all our relations on this floor, I invoke exclusion or degradation of another—and, in your attention to some valedictory suggestions the exercise of the patronage of the chair I which I think the occasion allows, and justice did no more than distributive justice-indeed to myself, as well as to you and my country, I did not give to the Democratic party a share demands. of power fully equal to its ratio of numbers. In attempting this delicate task, I desire to say nothing unbefitting the dignity of this chair, the decorum of this House, or my own proper relations to principles or to men, hitherto, now, or hereafter. My chief purpose is to place myself rectus in curia-right before you, and right before the world, concerning certain events which occurred during our present session. This I would have been pleased to do on some more appropriate occasion-but this having been prevented by my position in this chair, I trust that a brief allusion to a few personal topics at this parting moment, will not be deemed unreasonable or indelicate. In the organization of the committee on Federal Relations, my motives and purposes seem to have been misunderstood by some. At this I was much surprised. To discharge, in a proper manner, the duties of that position, and those also of a member of the committee on the Code, to both of which I allotted the the same gentleman, was as much as any one man could be expected to do-and I considered those two as among the most important committees of the House. Had I been on the floor, I would rather have been chairman of the committee on Federal Relations than to have occupied the same position on any other 1. If my election to this chair has been felt committee. A full, prudent and orthodox as a wound to others who desired to fill it report-a report which might have been unanthemselves or would have preferred some imously endorsed-on the character, the value, younger man, I am sorry for it. I had no and the destiny of the Union-on the heresy voluntary agency in it. I was placed here with- of nullification—on the monstrous absurdity out my solicitation and against my will, as I of secession as a constitutional pretension, or now declare, and as I thought you all knew. I any thing else than a revolutionary act-on regret this more than, perhaps, I ought.-the history and constitutional principles of the But I felt that I could not honorably or con- tariff and slavery agitations and of the |