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SIR:

LANCASTER, 5th July, 1827.

Yantis, Elijah Hyatt, Robert M'Connell, Wm. thus far, in a manner which could not be disB. Parrow, Thomas Kennedy, Thomas Millan, paraged by a comparison with any preceding Simeon H. Anderson, John Rout, Daniel administration-who is national and liberal in O'Bannon, John Faulkner and John B. Jen- his principles, impartial in his favors, honnings, be appointed a committee to commu-est and patriotic in all his purposes-who was nicate to Mr. Clay, the desire of the people of the choice of a large majority of the people of Garrard to welcome him to their simple hos- the United States, as a fair induction of acpitality, in thier own county. knowledged facts will demonstrate-the choice of General Jackson himself (next to himself)--the choice of your own districtand, as I have never doubted, the choice (in I am instructed by the committee, ap- preference to the "Hero") of the people of pointed in the 2d of the enclosed resolutions, Kentucky. Your knowledge of the disparity to invite you to a Public Dinner, proposed to of the rival candidates, in fitness for so high be given you by the county of Garrard, at a station-your devotion to the cause of interwhatever time shall be most convenient to nal improvement and domestic manufactures yourself during your sojourn in Kentucky; and your regard for the welfare and the constiI am also instructed by the committre to as-tution of your country, left you no safe, or consure you of their individual respect and undi-sistent, or honorable alternative. Even your minished confidence, notwithstanding the cal- enemies cannot deny, that they had no right to umnies of factious and disappointed men. expect, from a knowledge of your principles Allow me to add that, in making this com- and your opinions, that you would vote for munication, it is peculiarly gratifying to me, Gen. Jackson; and many of them candidly adat this eventful conjuncture of our affairs, local mit that you could not have done so consistas well as national, to be the organ of the good ently. And if you had suffered yourself to be wishes for your welfare, and for the success of tempted or provoked to such a suicidal and your cause, which are felt and have been most parricidal act, it would be quite easy to signally manifested by my county-a county show that you could not have made him which, if distinguished for nothing else, has President. I have personal reasons, too, for some acknowledged claims to a good name, knowing, if any man living can know, that in for the constancy and disinterestedness, and voting for Adams, and accepting the station (I will say) consequently, the general recti- you now hold in his Cabinet, your motives tude of its political opinions; and my gratifi- were pure and patriotic, uninfluenced by any cation is in no small degree increased, by the selfish aim or expectation. fitness of the opportunity which this occasion offers me, to bear my humble testimony in your behalf, against the calumnious charges of Gen. Jackson, and some of his disappointed

friends.

Associated with you for years in a public service, then full of peril and difficulty, I have ever found, in your political conduct, unquestioned purity of motive, elevation of sentiment, undisguised frankness, and invincible intrepidity. But these claims (strong and undeniable as they are) to the approbation and gratitude of your country, are multiplied and enhanced by the incidents connected with the last three years of your life.

I never doubted that you would act as you did. I never doubted that the vote of Kentacky would not be given to Gen. Jackson, under any circumstances: or that the votes of Illinois and Missouri would not be given to him, whatever your course might have been. And for the people of Kentucky, I will say, that I do not believe they ever were in favor of electing Gen. Jackson President of the United Statesalthough, in his famous Harrodsburg letter, he intimatss that you and Mr. Adams are corrupt, and are engaged in a crusade against the people, and that He is their great Atlas.

Go on as you have done-be just and fear not"-and that Government which is the best, The late Presidential election placed you in and that administration which is the cheapest a situation singularly delicate and responsi- in the world, will continue to prosper more ble. Unawed by threats, and unseduced by and more, until their complete triumph. In promises or hopes, you obeyed the dictates of ordinary times, it would not be proper, or cona sound mind and a pure conscience, and fear-sistent with my self-respect, to address you lessly contributed, by your vote, to the elec- in a style so unusual, and which, by some tion of an individual eminently qualified in might be deemed adulatory. But I felt it due every way for the high trust-one who had to truth, and to a just magnanimity, recollectserved his country at home and abroad, for ing, as I do, that our public intercourse and forty years, faithfully and successfully one personal aequaintance commenced under cir who enjoyed the confidence and friendship of cumstances not the most propitious to the inWashington, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe terchange of kind feelings or favorable opin-one who concurs with you in the policy ions. Believing that the same intimate best adapted to promote the prosperity and en- knowledge which I have acquired of your sure the union and harmony of these states- character, by long and scrutinizing observawho cherishes and advocates, and will encour- tion, will produce the same effects on others age to the limit of constitutional power, the that I am happy to avow it has had on me, I American system of roads and canals, of do- cherish the expectation that, ere long, many of mestic industry, and of a diffusive education-those who, from prejudice or delusion, are one who has administered the government, counted your enemies, will be numbered

among your friends, and feel regret and surprise that they ever doubted the integrity of your conduct.

Accept, sir, for my colleagues of the committee, and for myself, our most respectful sal-by perilous innovation? Whether the "Amerutations. G. ROBERTSON.

Hon. H. CLAY.

GARRARD ADDRESS ON PRESIDEN-
TIAL ELECTION.

be preferred for civil office? Whether the principles consecrated by the approved administrations of Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, shall be upheld or trampled down ican System" shall be sustained and prudently extended, or condemned as mischievous and unconstitutional? And last, "though not least," whether, by sanctioning the unjust means employed to degrade and supersede those now at the head of affairs, an example shali be set which will encourage the indulgence of the worst passions, and render the Presidential election in future the occasion of At a very large and promiscuous assem- incessant crimination and commotion, apt to blage of the citizens of Garrard county, at the result in the triumph of force, falsehood and court house, on the 19th of November, 187, vice? or whether, by discountenancing the county court day for said county, Gen. John premature haste and rancorous spirit of the opFaulkner being appointed chairman, and Jo- position, the people will assert their own digseph Hopper secretary, after suitable explana-nity, and show that the canvass shall be, as it tions of the objects for which the meeting was has heretofore been, an honorable competion in organized, the following preamble and resolu- a decorous appeal to the intelligence oi freemen? tions were adopted with striking unanimity, These vital considerations and many others, only two or three voting in the negative: minor and consequential, are presented in the

tentous.

seen, whether we shall have a new assurance of the stability of our free institutions, or a plain indication of their tendency to decay and dissolution.

The "Signs of the Times" are visibly por-pending controversy between Mr. Adams and Gen Jackson; and in the influence which they Upheld by the virtue and intelligence of the shall be found to have, it will remain to be people, our blessed government, essentially moral in its structure, has passed through many trials in peace and in war. But it is not indestructible. Whenever the majority fail to exercise the reason and stern virtue necessary to the conservation of such a moral the wreck of their liberty will rebuke their degeneracy, when it may be too late for repentance to expiate the errors of the past or repair their ravages. Wise men feel that a fearful crisis is now before us, which will, more than any other, try the principles of the people and fix the destiny of the constitu

system,

tion.

The political doctrines and the principles of policy foreign and domestic, which characterise the general tenor of the administrations which have preceded that of John Quincy Adams, and under the operation of which our government has attained an elevated rank in the opinions and affections of mankind, are hapily exemplified in the unusual degree of prosperity which is daily resulting from the wisdom and prudence with which his administration is giving more extensive developments of their soundness and beneficence. We are at peace with the whole world. Our treasury is ample. We pay no Involved in the issue is safety or peril. It taxes. Our country is steadily progressing in will subject to a test, novel and eventful, improvement, physical and intelluctual. The the value of free suffrage; and will evince whether, in the exercise of the elective franchise, reason or passion-judgment or feeling, shall predominate.

The approaching election of chief magistrate of the Union, is pregnant with either blessings or calamities, which will be extensively felt and long remembered.

government, so far as the President is responsible, is administered as providently and economically as it ever was in the hey-day of republican simplicity. No citizen is oppressed by federal authority; and we only feel the general government in the blessings which it confers.

In the decision of this important issue, the people are called on to determine, not merely what individual shall fill the Executive chair; this is personal and comparatively immateri- Since his induction, Mr. Adams has done al. But they must incidentally decide other nothing, in which he is not sustained by the and more momentous questions-such as example or opinion of all his predecessors and these whether the President shall be an able by the authority of the people who continued and experienced statesman, well-tried-or a to ratify and approve for thirty-six years, lucky and blazoned warrior, self-willed and measures which, when attempted by him, are impetuous, and inexperienced in the practice denounced by Jackson politicians as daring or duties of the office? Whether the first civ- usurpations. For desiring the extension of the il station in the world shall be conferred for Cumberland Road through the western states, the benefit of those who gave it, or for the grat- he has been abused for encroachment on state ification of him who asks it? Whether, if it rights. For favoring the protection, to a prushall be bestowed as the reward of service, it dent and necessary extent, of our domestic inshall be a just tribute to the distinguished Ci- dustry, agricultural and manufacturing, he vilian, or the pension of the valiant Soldier? has been charged with a wanton violation of Whether civil or military pretensions should the constitution. For treating our South

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GARRARD ADDRESS ON PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.

American neighbors respectfully, he has incur- appointed ambition, have been deluded almost red the imputation of a design to unite our to fanaticism; and seem to suppose that their destinies with theirs. For being willing, with liberty is in danger, unless by exalting the the majority of the Commissioners at Ghent, idol of military enthusiasm, the administrato continue in force the article of the treaty of tion can be revolutionized. The malcontents '83, in relation to the Mississippi, the people are invited to the standard of a venerated and have been told that he attempted to sell the laurelled soldier, valiant and glorious, but in navigation of that great river. When the op- every other respect totally unfit for the cabinet. position frustrated the colonial negotiation by --a soldier, the accidents of whose eventful life, espousing the side of England, they endeav-public and private, manifest the unreasonableored to make the responsibility of the failure ness of his claims to the civil eminence, to recoil on him and his cabinet. All his acts which, unfortunately, for the peace of the counare misrepresented; his meaning perverted; his try and for his own posthumous fame, he now motives questioned; his language distorted, aspires.

and himself falsely charged with prodigality It is not because he is well qualified, that and corruption. Many are made uneasy with his leading adherents prefer Gen. Jackson to visions of chimerical danger-and the Ameri- Mr. Adams, but because he is the only individcan people, more highly favored than at any ual of their party who has any chance to sucformer period, are divided into two anomalous ceed. His civil qualifications are not only parties, in which all ancient badges and feel-greatly inferior to those of Mr Adams, but cering, are buried in the all absorbing question-tainly very unequal to those of many of his own shall Andrew Jackson and his partizans be el- party. But it was not the fortune of any of evated to supreme power on the ruins of Mr the latter to command at Orleans; the accidenAdams and Mr. Clay? So acrimonious are tal circumstance of doing which, is the sum many of the complainants, that they employ total of the General's recommendations.all the resources of opprobious epithets and Without this event no human being would vulgar defamation. Such rudeness and in- ever have thought of electing him to the Exjustice to such men, are not only inconsistent ecutive Chair of the U. States. with the personal respect due to them as gentlemen, but with the forbearance which their stations should exact; and are ominous, if ap proved, of the degradation of exalted worth, and of official diguity. "If such things are done in the green tree," what may we not expect "in the dry?', The persecutors of either of these honest men, may be earnestly asked, "what evil hath he done you?" The answer must be, like that of Aristides on a similar occasion, "thou art just."

This his partizans know. But they know too the spell of a military name on the popular affections and that it covers a multitude of glaring defects: and hence they use the battle of Orleans alone, as the talisman for effecting their contemplated revolution. The 8th of January, the anniversary of Kentucky's disgrace, is therefore vociferated as if it entitled the renowned Hero to everything. If Andrew Jackson has any other than martial claims to the office which he anxiously seeks, let his friends present them. There has been no attempt to recommend him by an address to the understanding. Every effort in his favor has been directed to the passions. This alone is an admission of the insufficiency of his civil pretensions, and, with rational men, should be decisive.

Before Mr. Adams had taken the oath of of fice, a party, formidable for number and accidental influence, composed of disaffected and disappointed men of discordant feelings and principles, was organized for the avowed purpose of prostrating him and Mr. Clay, and denouncing their conduct, whatever it should be, "right or wrong." They adopted the ap- He has admitted his own unfitness. Not propriate watch-words-"They must be put only does his civil history show that he never down if they are as pure as the angels at the rose above the grade of mediocrity, but he has right hand of God;" and true to their pur- magnanimously acknowledged his want of pose, they have left no means untried for qualifications for a seat in Congress, or on the effecting their unworthy design. Judged by judgment Bench-and is he who is unequal to their acts, it would seem that their first max- the duties of these comparatively humble plaim is, "the end justifies the means." They ces, competent to guide the affairs of a whole had learned from history, sacred and profane, nation? If it be intended that he shall be onthat, during transient paroxysms of popular ly the nominal President, we say the pension excitement, the multitude, roused to phrenzy is too high, and the hazard too great. by the arts of the designing, had proscribed The most memorable act of the General's potheir benefactors and most virtuous men. litical life, is the vote which stands against And boldly experimenting on the credulity him on the country's record, in opposition to and presumed aptitude of the body of the an expression of approbation by Congress, people to believe indefinite charges of delin- of the public life of the Father of his Country, quency against men high in office, "the Com- when on the eve of retiring forever from the bination" have endeavored to excite public public service. Washington had enemies, and indignation against Mr. Adams, and the Se- his administration too met with opposition cretary of State of the United States, by and reproach. charges as false as they are foul. By a dex- The same spirit is yet alive, and instigates terous use of these, many honest men, unac- the violent outcry against the present adminquainted with the artifice and resource of dis-istration. Nothing but the name of Washing

ington saved him from overthrow: may his example save those who, for following his precepts, are subjected to the same persecution which he outlived.

only 84-when, if the will of the people had been consulted Mr. Adam's vote must have been at least 93, and that of his competitor not more than 85. It is not denied, that Mr. Crawford's friends preferred Mr. Adams to the General, and there is do doubt, that a majority of Mr Clay's felt the same preference.— Hence it is evident, that Mr Adams was preferred to Gen. Jackson by an overwhelming majority of the American people, and was, therefore, the people's candidate.

The claims of the Hero of Orleans to civil preferment are certainly not increased by this inexplicable vote; nor by the contemptuous terms in which he ridiculed Mr. Madison's pretensions to the presidency; nor by his threat to chastise a Senator in the Capitol, for enquiring into his public conduct; nor by the injury which he recklessly endeavored to inflict Equally fallacious, but far less excusable, is on the State of Kentucky, by unjustly charg- the plea of "bargain" in the election by the ing her volunteer soldiers with "inglorious House of Representatives. This is a second flight" at Orleans, and by refusing to do justice "Popish Plot”—and its informer, whoever he when convicted of injustice; nor by the indeli- may be, a second Titus Oates, and should cate manner, in which in his Harrodsburgh meet with execration in common with those letter he meant to speak of Mr. Adams as the who concocted a plot so diabolical. They enemy of the people, and of himself as their have the hardihood to ask honorable men to friend and candidate; nor by his artful efforts accredit the imputed corruption of distinguishto destroy the reputations of Mr. Adams and ed citizens who have been their country's Mr. Clay, by insinuating that he could convict them of "bargain and management," when his own boasted witness acquits them, and proves that, if there was any tampering, it was on the General's side.

pride for many years, and to degrade them, not only without proof, but against the proof of the accuser. Gen. Jackson well knew that Mr. Clay could neither be bribed nor awed to vote for him-and he also knew that, if he could be Next to the 8th of January, with which some guilty of such a suicidal act as to give in his declaim very handsomely who were opposed to adhesion to him, he could not have elected the war, the friends of the General have prof him. The General with Mr. Clay's assistance ited most by asserting, that he was the Peo- could not have obtained more than nine ple's President, and that he and they were states, and Mr. Adams on the final ballot corruptly cheated out of their rights. This must have had at least 15. Therefore, there has been so often and confidently reiterated was nothing to be gained by bargain, and no that many honest men believe it, and for this motive to enter into it. Mr. Clay did not dereason alone, incline to espouse his cause. sire the place of Secretary; but neither his That he was not the object of a majority of friends nor his enemies allowed him to refuse the people's preference, plain facts will indis-it. Unable to induce Mr. Clay to enlist under putably prove to all who have eyes to see or ears to hear, and the faculty of addition and subtraction; and this must have been well understood by those who gave the first impulse to this wide spread delusion. The Gen. was not only not chosen by a majority of the people, but, as is evident, Mr. Adams received a large plurality of votes given by the people, and would have gone into the House of Representatives with a correspondent plurality of the electoral votes, had the majority of the people of each state controlled the whole electoral vote of the State, and had not Mr. Adams been the victim of "intrigue, bargain and management. Of the free votes represented in the electoral colleges, Mr. Adams had about 4,000,000, and Gen Jackson had only about 2,000,000. By the constitution the slave states are entitled to the electoral weight of 3-5th of their The west is obviously and peculiarly interslaves who do not vote: add these, and still Mr. ested in sustaining this administration. Do Adams has a decided majority over the Gener-we desire the continuation of the Cumberland al's number, of bond and free, black and white. Road, commenced under the auspices of JefBut in some States where Mr. Adams had a ma-ferson, and the opening of the Chesapeake and jority of the whole popular vote, the General Ohio Canal, projected by the benevolent mind obtained a majority of the electors. This re- of Washington? And do we wish to particisulted from the organization of the districts.-pate in the incalculable blessings, political, And in some other states where Mr. Adams commercial and fiscal, which these great imwas stronger than any other candidate, the provements would produce? Do we feel the friends of the others combined on the General, necessity of protection to domestic manufacsupposing there was no danger of his election. tures and to our agriculture? The opposition. Thus this candidate of the people received, denounce the present administration for favournominally, 99 electoral votes and Mr. Adams ing these measures: and General Jackson has

the military banner, the disappointed are provoked to attempt by calumny to put him out of their way. They cannot succeed until they put him down; and it is plain, that the prime object of their warfare is to prostrate him. If he had not become Secretary of State, there would either have been no combination, or if any, it would have been of a character very different from the Jackson party. The General was brought out first as a candidate for the purpose of frustrating Mr. Clay's prospects and of electing Mr. Adams, who was the General's first choice until he had hopes for himself, and afterwards his second choice. And now he and Mr. Clay are hunted down, by a party whose motto is, "Jackson and Reform," or proscription and expulsion of all who will not enlist in their service.

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GARRARD ADDRESS ON PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.

that Gen Jackson would wish to destroy the liberty of his country-nor that, if he should the people are yet prepared for such a catastrophe. But we would deplore the example, as well as fear many of the consequences immediate and remote, of his election to the Presidency; and deem it wise to profit by the histotory of the world, and avoid the rock on which the liberty of past generations has been wrecked.

not found it convenient to disclose his opinion of the "American System." He conceals it, and suffers himself to be declared in favour of the system where it is popular, and against it where it is not acceptable. Let him come out upon this subject explicitly, and his hopes of election will be blasted. If he is friendly to the system, nothing can be gained by preferring him to an abler and surer friend. But if, as almost certain, he is hostile to it, what may not its friends, and its enemies too, Wherefore, Resolved,-1st. That it is the lose by his success? It is earnestly to be de- duty of the friends of order and good governsired, that the people may consider this sub-ment, to employ all practicable and honourable ject dispassionately, and act wisely and pru- means to promote the re-election of John Q. Addently, regarding measures, not men. In elect-ams; that we approve, as preparatory to this ing Gen. Jackson there is great peril-but in end, the convention proposed to be held at re-electing Mr. Adams there is safety. He is unexceptionably moral; he is a plain and temperate republican; he is fully competent; he is the man of whom Washington said in 1797, that he was the most useful functionary in the foreign service; the man who enjoyed signal evidences of the confidence of every President of the United States, and of the admiration of General Jackson until it became his interest to crush him.

By approving the conduct of this gifted and much wronged citizen, the people will do justice to him and to themselves, and will rescue the country from the consequences of electing a General, with the transient apprehension of whose success Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and other patriarchs, trembled for the safety of the Republic.

It is respectfully submitted to the patriotic and considerate among those who disapprove the leading measures of Mr. Adams' administration, whether they reasonably expect any advantage, by electing General Jackson, equal to the permanent injury which such an event may inflict.

Military renown has been fatal to liberty. It overran the freedom of Greece-of Rome-and of every other republic that has ever suffered itself to be spell bound by its fascina

tions.

Bonaparte and Cæsar won more battles than General Jackson ever achieved, and were certainly his superiors in general knowledge.But what free people would be willing to confide their destinies to such rulers?

to

Frankfort, on the 17th of Dec. next, to select an electoral ticket, favourable to the present administration, and that Francis P. Hord, Daniel Obannon, Tyre Harris, Thomas Kennedy, Benjamin Mason, Simeon H. Anderson and Alander Sneed, be appointed Delegates to represent us in that convention.

SPEECH AT CLAY FESTIVAL.

As the organ of the neighbors of our distinguished countryman and guest, to whom they have dedicated this Kentucky Festival as a tribute of their respect for him as a man and of their gratitude for the eminent services of his long and eventful public life, I now propose a crowning sentiment, which, as we believe, will be echoed by the united head and heart of this vast multitude, of both sexes, and of all ages and denominations.

We have assembled, my countrymen, not to worship an installed idol, nor to propitiate patronage by pouring the incense of flattery at the feet of official power, but to greet, with heart and hand, an old patriot returned to the walks of private life with a consciousness of having, through all the vicissitudes of inconstant fortune, always endeavored to do his whole duty to his whole country, and with the memory also of deeds of which the proudest on earth might well be proud. [Cheeis.]

By the good and wise of all parties, who feel as they should ever feel, such an occasion Washington was "a military chief"-But as this must be approved as the offspring of there has been only one Washington. The emotions which should be cherished by evename of our dead Washington is worth more ry enlightened friend of his country's inus, than all the living Washingtons in the stitutions, and by every disinterested admirer world. He was not only "first in war" but of the noble of his species. We should honor "first in peace and first in the hearts of his those who honor us. Distinguished services, countrymen." It was not his victories in the by whomsoever rendered, should be gratefully field, but his victory over himself, that lifted remembered, and exalted talents are entitled Washington above all other men. He was to universal respect. But, when one of our honored with the Chief Magistracy not for own countrymen, by the force of his own ge being a successful warrior, but for possessing nius and virtues, has risen from poverty and those pre-eminent moral excellencies, the obscurity, and not only ennobled his own known destitution of which is an insuperable name but illustrated that of his country, no objection to the Hero of New Orleans personal jealousy or political prejudice should We delight to confer appropriate honor on chill the homage of that country's undivided our distinguished Hero. But we should over-heart. And when, as now, we behold him, leap the boundary of gratitude and prudence, a plain citizen, grown grey in the public serby making him President. We do not believe vice, and retired to his farm to live and die

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