that you will chearfully contribute to support the honour of His Majesty's crown, and the essential interests of the kingdom.

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"The agriculture, the manufactures, and particularly the linen manufacture of Ireland, the Protestant charter schools, and various other institutions of public utility, have so constantly received the benefit of your care and liberality, that I need not particularly at this time, inculcate their importance.

"His Majesty has the fullest reliance upon the loyalty and attachment of his people of Ireland. You are now, by the unjust aggression of France, involved in a contest for your religion, for your constitution, and for the preservation of every principle which upholds social order, or gives security to your persons or properties. In such a cause, His Majesty has no doubt of being cordially supported by the efforts of all his subjects, in resisting the desperate designs of men who are endeavouring to erect their own power and dominion on the ruins of law and order, and to involve every government of Europe in a general scene of confusion and anarchy.

"His Majesty's object is peace, and he will exert himself, in conjunction with his allies, whenever an occasion shall present itself for obtaining this desirable end, without surrendering the honour of his crown, or sacrificing the present or future security of his people and the rest of Europe.

"You may depend upon my faithful representations of your services to His Majesty, and I will zealously co-operate with your exertions for the welfare and prosperity of Ireland.”

Lord Boyle moved the address to His Majesty, which was seconded by the honourable Mr. Wandesford Butler.

Mr. GRATTAN spoke as follows: Sir, on a subject of such consequence, at so short a notice, and so imperfect a hearing, it would be difficult to say much, and yet improper not to say something. To speak at large on a subject but just communicated, is above my powers. I cannot, however, bring myself to give a silent vote on this occasion, though what I shall say will perhaps not be entirely approved of, either by those who act with administration, or by those who disapprove of the war.

With respect to the principle of conduct which should always actuate Ireland, I have ever had, and shall ever continue to have but one opinion, that Ireland should improve her constitution, correct its abuses, and assimilate it as nearly as possible to that of Great Britain; that whenever administration should attempt to act unconstitutionally, but, above all, whenever they should tamper with the independence of Parliament, they ought to be checked by all the means that the constitution justifies. But, that these measures, this general plan of conduct should be pursued by Ireland, with a

fixed, steady, and unalterable resolution, to stand or fall with Great Britain. Whenever Great Britain, therefore, should be clearly involved in war, it is my idea that Ireland should grant her a decided and unequivocal support; except, that war should be carried on against her own liberty.

In pursuance of this principle, it is unnecessary in my. mind for Ireland to consider the merits of the present war, the causes in which it originated, or the manner in which it is carried on. The speech from the throne has talked of the successes of the war. I am sorry that these successes have not been quite so brilliant as have generally been experienced in wars with France. Finding therefrom Great Britain not only involved in a war, but in a war somewhat unsuccessful, I think the courage of this country more peculiarly called on to give her prompt and efficacious assistance. Even if the contest had been much more unsuccessful, I would still think it necessary for Ireland to enter zealously into the interests of the sister country. If in the seven years war we supported Great Britain, without a constitution and without commerce, shall we now, when we have acquired both commerce and constitution, be cold in her cause? Did Ireland talk fallaciously when at the time she was seeking that constitution and commerce, she promised to have but one interest with Great Britain? Or, shall she now show that her professions at that time were sincere, and prove by her conduct at this. interesting crisis, that the best way to secure the attachment of Ireland is to do her benefits.

I do not mean to go at large into the subject of the war. I only mean to declare my opinion, that even if I disapproved of the measure of entering into the war, or if I thought the mode in which it was prosecuted a wrong one, yet finding. Great Britain involved, I would vote for giving her the utmost support which the country could afford; because I think the two countries should stand or fall together.

There are some parts of the address which I would wish to. correct, and something which I would wish to supply. That part which alludes to the success of His Majesty's arms, I wish should be omitted, becsuse it would be better if nothing were introduced which might give an appearance of unreality to the address, or, which might make it look rather like the echo of the speech, than the genuine sense of the House.

With respect to that clause which mentioned the spirit of insurrection"in the lower orders of the people," I would correct it by changing the phrase for some of the lower orders of the people; for, certainly, a spirit of insurrection had not appeared in all the lower orders of the people, but only in

some particular description of them. I would also have thanked His Majesty for his gracious interference in the last session, in reconciling the differences between his Irish subjects; and, I would have thanked him also for the other conciliatory measures of the last session; for his concession of the hereditary revenue, &c. &c., because I think that when His Majesty shows an inclination to make such important concession, the acknowledgment of the subject cannot be too prompt.

The latter part of the address, which thanks His Majesty for his expression of readiness to co-operate with Parliament, I think extremely proper. On that expression of the speech every man is at liberty to put his own construction. I suppose it to mean, that if any further measures were necessary for the improvement or security of the constitution, His Majesty is ready to concur with Parliament in their adoption. For my part, I think further measures are necessary; reform for instance; a subject which was brought before Parliament in the last session by an honourable friend of mine, and which I hope he will take up again. Though I think this measure is essentially necessary, I by no means wish that it should be stipulated for as the price of the assistance which might be demanded of the country for the war. All I mean to say is, that it ought to be brought forward as well as such other measures as might be necessary for completing the assimilation of the Irish constitution to that of Great Britain; and I think the declaration of His Majesty would justify, if any justification were necessary, the bringing forward these measures again.

I wish it at the same time to be understood that whatever opposition I may make during the session, shall be made without reference to the question of war, on which, I believe, there is but one opinion. I acknowledge that in some former sessions I warmly opposed the administration, because I thought that they had assumed too high a tone against the people, and that they had opposed measures essential to the constitution. In the last session, I admit that they have in some degree corrected that conduct, for which I am willing to allow them all due praise.

The address was agreed to nem. con.

FRENCH WAR.

February 5. 1794.

On this day, Sir Lawrence Parsons, (afterwards Lord Rosse), moved, "That an humble address be presented to His Excellency the Lord-lieutenant, that he will be pleased to lay before His Majesty the humble desire of this House, that His Majesty will graciously condescend to order to be laid before this House copies of his declaration, together with copies of the several conventions and treaties with different powers which have been laid before the British Parliament, relative to the present war." The motion was seconded by Mr. Wm. Tighe, and was supported by Mr. Sergeant Duquery, Mr. Curran, Mr. Egan, Dr. Browne, Mr. Robert Stewart, (afterwards Lord Castlereagh), on the ground that the Irish Parliament, as a matter of right as well as duty and interest, was bound to investigate the causes of the war. The motion was opposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, (Sir J. Parnell), Mr. Cooke, Mr. Barrington, Mr. G. Ponsonby, and Mr. Beresford.

Mr. GRATTAN said: Sir, however I may differ from gentlemen with whom I generally concur, I shall this night, consistent with the vote I gave on the first day of the session in favour of the war, resist the present measure. I do not doubt that the honourable gentlemen who introduced it had very proper motives. The motion before you, purports to be a motion for papers; but the declared object of its supporters is to condemn the war, that war which those gentlemen pledged themselves to support, and for which they now declare themselves determined to grant the army and the supply. On the ground, therefore, laid for this motion, by those who have supported the honourable baronet, I shall give it a direct negative, as tending to undermine your own proceedings, to retract your plighted sentiments, and to raise a mutiny against your own taxes. Such a proceeding would, in my mind, bear a colour of hesitation, unbecoming the honour of this country, and by such conduct Ireland would prove herself, instead of the best, the meanest ally of England. Some gentlemen in support of the motion, have not indeed gone so far as to condemn the war, but have only desired to suspend their opinion until they receive the copies of the treaties, declarations, and conventions, from England; and in the mean time they declare themselves ready to vote the army and the supply for this very war, on which they declare they have formed no opinion whatever. I dwell not

on the folly of such a proceeding; I tremble at the mischief. What! tell France (an invasion impending perhaps on one or both of these countries,) that you have not made up your minds on the war; thus excite a diffidence on the part of Great Britain; teach France to consider Ireland as desponding, and induce her to intrigue with our people and attempt a descent upon our country; tell her, that you are waiting on a revolutionary-state opinion, until papers shall be sent from England, and a committee shall sit flagrante bello, and have made its report on the causes, considerations, and merits of this war. The period is said to be awful. If any thing could make it desperate, it would be such a condition. It would be a promulgation to the troops on the coast of France, that we were not decided to stand by England, and that this was the moment in which the suspense of our sentiments was to be determined, by some stroke from that country. Considering the principle of this motion in reference to Great Britain, you told her in the opening of this session you would stand by her in this war. You tell her now by this motion that beg leave to consider it, and have therefore called for papers in order to form a deliberate judgment on mature and late consideration. Is not this a retraction of your former opinion? Is not this chilling your own efforts? changing a positive pledge to support a war, into a languid disposition to enquire into its origin, while England remains, in the interim, in doubt, whether she can depend on you, whether you will not take the lead in the desertion, or, as has been the tendency of some speeches to-night, whether, while you affect to support her by your arms, you may not damn that support by your censure, and declare that you think France is in the right, though you support Great Britain.

you

As to your own people, see the effect of such a motion. You tax them for the war; you tell them at the same time, in this motion, that you have not as yet made up your mind upon the subject; you profess an utter ignorance of the justice and propriety of those taxes, and enable the people to tell you that they are taxed by Parliament for a war, the grounds, justice, and necessity of which that Parliament declares itself a stranger to, and is only now in a state of enquiry. Thus you arm your own people against your own taxes by your own authority. I want to know, say gentlemen, whether this war is to partition France, to exterminate its liberty, and to set up the old constitution? whether it is to be persevered in to the last drop of our blood, rather than treat with the existing government? and therefore I wish for treaties. What treaties?. treaties which can resolve none