I was a member in the Assembly of Pennsylvania when this notification came to hand. The observations there made upon it were, that the ancient, established, and regular method of drawing aid from the colonies was this: The occasion was always first considered by their sovereign in his Privy Council, by whose sage advice he directed his Secretary of State to write circular-letters to the several governors, who were directed to lay them before their Assemblies. In those letters the occasion was explained to their satisfaction, with gracious expressions of his Majesty's confidence in their known duty and affection, on which he relied that they would grant such sums as should be suitable to their abilities, loyalty, and zeal for his service; that the colonies had always granted liberally on such requisitions, and so liberally during the late war, that the king, sensible they had granted much more than their proportion, had recommended it to Parliament five years successively to make them some compensation, and the Parliament accordingly returned them £200,000 a year, to be divided among them; that the proposition of taxing them in Parliament, was therefore both cruel and unjust; that, by the constitution of the colonies, their business was with the king in matters of aid; they had nothing to do with any financier, nor he with them; nor were the agents the proper channels through which requisitions should be made; it was therefore improper for them to enter into any stipulation, or make any proposition to Mr. Grenville about laying taxes on their constituents by Parliament, which had really no right at all to tax them, especially as the notice he had sent them did not appear to be by the king's order, and perhaps was without his knowledge, as the king, when he would obtain anything from them, always accompanied his

requisition with good words, but this gentleman, instead of a decent demand, sent them a menace, that they should certainly be taxed, and only left them the choice of the manner. But all this notwithstanding, they were so far from refusing to grant money that they resolved to the following purpose: "That they always had, so they always should think it their duty to grant aid to the crown, according to their abilities, whenever required of them in the usual constitutional manner." I went soon after to England, and took with me an authentic copy of this resolution, which I presented to Mr. Grenville before he brought in the Stamp Act. I asserted in the House of Commons (Mr. Grenville being present) that I had done so, and he did not deny it. Other colonies made similar resolutions, and had Mr. Grenville, instead of that act, applied to the king in council for such requisitional letters to be circulated by the Secretary of State, I am sure he would have obtained more money from the colonies by their voluntary grants than he himself expected from the stamps. But he chose compulsion rather than persuasion, and would not receive from their good-will what he thought he could obtain without it. And thus the golden bridge which the ingenious author thinks the Americans unwisely and unbecomingly refused to hold out to the minister and Parliament, was actually held out to them, but they refused to walk over it.

This is the true history of that transaction; and as it is probable there may be another edition of that excellent pamphlet, I wish this may be communicated to the candid author, who, I doubt not, will correct that error.

I am ever, with sincere esteem, dear sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

881. TO ARTHUR LEE

(A. P. S.)

Passy, March 17. 1778

DEAR SIR,

One of the Messrs. Beaumann's of Bordeaux some time since told me they intended to send a Packet every Month to America, on their own account, they having great Concerns there. He offer'd, indeed, to carry our Dispatches; but as at this Distance we could not know the Captains, nor the Degree of Confidence that might be plac'd in them, and having other Conveyances, I have not yet seen Occasion to make use of that Offer. These are the Packets I mention'd to the Gentleman, as likely to afford him the Convenience of a Passage; and he understood more than I said to him, when he imagin'd there was a Packet to sail soon with our Dispatches. I knew of no such thing proposed; and certainly if it had been proposed by me or with my Knowledge, I should have acquainted you with it.

A Gentleman lately arrived from Boston, has presented for Acceptance Bills drawn on us by Mr. Hancock, as the President of the Congress, for about 180,000 Livres. I have also receiv'd a Letter, mentioning that other Bills are drawn on us by Mr. Laurens, the present President, of which an Account is promis'd in a future Letter, this not giving the Amount, but only directing us to accept them when they appear. The 180,000 Livres is an old Debt contracted by our Army in Canada, and not for Interest of Money. What the others are I know not; and I cannot conceive what Encouragement the Congress could have had from any of us, to draw on us for any thing but that

Interest. I suppose their Difficulties have compell'd them to it. I see we shall be distress'd here by these Proceedings: and I want to consult with you about the means of paying the Bills. If you will name an Hour when you shall be at leisure to-day, I will call upon you. I have the Honour to be, with great Respect, Sir,

B. FRANKLIN.

882. TO JAMES HUTTON1

(L. C.)

Passy, March 24, 1778.

My dear old Friend was in the right, not "to call in question the Sincerity of my Words, where I say, Feb. 12th, we can treat, if any Propositions are made to us." They were true then, and are so still, if Britain has not declared War with France; for in that case we shall undoubtedly think ourselves obliged to continue the War as long as she does. But methinks you should have taken us at our Word, and have sent immediately your Propositions in order to prevent such a War, if you did not choose it. Still I conceive it will be well to do it, if you have not already rashly begun the War. Assure yourself, that nobody more sincerely wishes perpetual Peace among Men than I do; but there is a prior Wish, that they would be equitable and just, otherwise such Peace is not possible, and indeed wicked Men have no right to expect it. I grieve for the Death of good Mrs. Falconer. Is there any children? Adieu. I am ever yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

1 In answer to a letter from Hutton to Franklin, March 4, 1778 (L. C.). - ED.

SIR,

883. TO RALPH IZARD

(A. P. S.)

Passy, March 30, 1778

From the Account you give me of the Man1 who pretends to be of Carolina, as well as from my own Observation of his Behaviour, I entertain no good Opinion of him, and shall not give him the Pass he desires.

Much and very important Business has hitherto prevented my giving you the Satisfaction you desired, but you may depend upon my endeavouring to give it you as soon as possible. An answer was written to your Letter of the 5th of this Month, and sign'd by us all, wch I thought had been sent to you, till Mr. Lee inform'd me, that having communicated to you the Contents, you told him it would not be satisfactory, and desir'd it might be reconsider'd, and he had accordingly stopt it for that purpose: We have not since had an Opportunity of reconsidering it; and as the End of it is now answered by the Communication of the Treaties, perhaps it is not necessary.

I condole with you sincerely on the great Loss sustained in Charlestown by the Fire in January last, said to have destroyed 600 Houses, valued with the Goods at a Million Sterling. I have the honour to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

1 A merchant's clerk at Livorno, who said that he was born in South Carolina, but had been so long out of it, "that he neither knows anybody there, nor does anybody know him."— ED.

2 The same grievance is here alluded to, as in the letter of January 29th. Mr. Izard thought himself slighted by the commissioners in regard to the treaty, and particularly by Dr. Franklin, and requested an explanation. — ED.