was to be convened as soon as possible and enter on its functions. If by April the British Government did not abandon its claims to domination the people were to meet again. All intercourse with Englishmen was then to cease. No forgiveness was extended to those who deceived the English Government by false representations (adverse to Boer pretensions). Intercourse with the foreign adventurers who furnished supplies to the troops was forthwith to cease. But the people expected from the Volksraad a proclamation declaring, among other things, that boundary disputes with natives should be submitted to arbitration, that a native policy should be adopted in accord with the other colonies, that the Republic is prepared to enter into a confederation with other colonies. The "people" declared that they would co-operate -even to death-to carry these resolutions into effect. Shortly after, Sir Garnet Wolseley, having returned from his successful attack on Secocoeni, was entertained by the inhabitants of Pretoria. He alleged in emphatic and almost contemptuous language that the declarations of the Wonderfontein meeting were mere bluster, again declared annexation irreversible, but declared that the attitude of the people rendered the grant of the constitutional institutions at first contemplated impossible. Subsequently Messrs. Bok and Pretorius, the Secretary and President respectively of the Committee, were arrested on charges of treason, the part they took in the demonstration forming apparently the facts of the case against them. A man named Erasmus, the leading Boer of the Lydenlong district, was also arrested, Secocoeni having deposed that he had instigated him to resist to the last. These events led to hot controversy at the Cape. On the one hand it was alleged that at the time of annexation the Boer Government was bankrupt, resourceless, and without authority over the people it was supposed to represent; that the Boer people had shown themselves cowards in the war with Secocoeni, that had they been left alone they would have been exterminated by him, Cetshwayo, and other natives whom their oppressions had exasperated. The agitation against annexation was from the first hollow, being kept up by a few agitators who, by threats of vengeance, compelled the mass of the people to simulate indignation, and almost feel the indignation they simulated. On the other hand it was argued that there was no real danger, that Secocoeni or anyone else could have defeated the Boers when acting merely on the defensive. The previous history of the Boers in Natal and the Orange Free State was referred to to show that they could hold their own under every disadvantage. The demonstrations-persistent from the first-were regarded as spontaneous evidence of a genuine ineradicable instinct for independence. Even the English party in the Transvaal argued that representative government ought to be conceded. There was a demand for the appointment of good judges, who should not be aliens, and for the construction of a railway from Pretoria to Delagoa Bay. The isolation of the Trans

vaal it was urged alone hindered development and prevented the inflow of English or German settlers.

Reports of disorderly conduct on the part of the British troops in the Transvaal were sent home by Dr. Russell, the Daily Telegraph correspondent, and were alleged by Sir Garnet Wolseley to be exaggerated or untrue.

Before the Zulu war Secocoeni was said to have been in constant communication with Cetshwayo, and joint action between the two was feared. In the beginning of the year Colonel Rowlands attempted to beleaguer Secocoeni's fastness; but the drought rendered operations impossible, and the English general marched to join Colonel Wood. Subsequently Colonel Lanyon (who had succeeded Sir T. Shepstone as Administrator of the Transvaal) made preparations for an attack. But these were discontinued by order of Sir Garnet Wolseley, who on his arrival in the Transvaal sent a conciliatory message to Secocoeni, inviting him to submit. The conditions he was required to agree to were: 1. Recognition of English sovereignty and payment of taxes; 2. Peaceable behaviour in future; 3. Payment of the original fine of 2,000 cattle plus 500 for recent offences; 4. The establishment of a military post in his territory; 5. Surrender of offenders or restitution. It was hardly hoped that Secocoeni, proud of having defeated the Zulus and the Dutch, and fearing perhaps the fate of Cetshwayo, would submit to our terms. During the year he had constantly harassed the border with raids, and attacked convoys, and though with rude chivalry he had returned some captives, his attitude was wholly unconciliatory. As Secocoeni rejected Sir Garnet Wolseley's last message of peace, prompt measures were taken to capture his stronghold. The difficulty of the enterprise lay not only in the strength of his fastness but in the wild and unhealthy character of the tract which separated it from our base. Sir Garnet Wolseley formed two columns, one, the Western, on the Olifants River, another, the Eastern, at Fort Burgers, in all 2,200 English troops and 10,000 natives. At daybreak on November 25 the advanced guard of the Western column seized a position near Secocoeni's town, while the Eastern column occupied another position three miles off. On the night of the 26th the main body of the Western column marched up with ten days supplies. On the morning of the 28th there was a simultaneous assault on the town from both sides. It was taken and burnt. But the enemy still held the "fighting koppie," an isolated hill of extraordinary strength. Here, from caves and ramparts of boulders, they kept up a constant fire. But in the afternoon the General ordered an assault. The heavily accoutred English soldiers rushed up the rough ascent followed by a cloud of half-naked Swazi allies. It was difficult to adjudge the palm of victory, but the Swazis, it is said, were first on the crest. Even still, though the koppie was captured, the enemy refused to leave the caves. Α cordon of troops were formed round, and the Basutos refusing to

surrender, but trying to break through, were shot down. Others still held the caves till they were dislodged by successive explosions. So tenacious was the resistance that comparatively few of the enemy were made prisoners, and these our officers had great difficulty in protecting from the cruel vengeance of their old enemies, the Swazis. Secocoeni escaped, but he was tracked to the cave in which he had taken refuge, and on December 2 he surrendered and was taken a prisoner to Pretoria. The settlement of his country was somewhat similar to that of Zululand. authority of the lesser chiefs was recognised, but they were made tributary to Government and responsible for good government. Soon it was announced that the country was open to gold prospectors.

The

We may perhaps add here that some Boers who had "trekked" from the Transvaal were reported to be in such a miserable condition in Damaraland that Government, assisted by public charity, sent an expedition to their relief.

As to the Orange Free State, it is sufficient to say that while it expressed sympathy with Natal in its struggle, and gave facilities for recruiting, it did not as a state assist. It professed sympathy with the Boer struggle for independence-a sympathy said to be felt in some degree by the Dutch community everywhere. It showed no disposition to agree to confederation.

CHAPTER V.

ASIA.

1. INDIA.

THE Controversies arising from the Afghan policy of the Government have already been sketched.' Every type of English opinion had of course an extreme counterpart in the Anglo-Indian press. But speaking generally, the Anglo-Indian papers, while freely criticising details, approved or abstained from disapproving of the policy of armed interference. The relations of the Government with the press were on the whole unpleasant. General Roberts, acting under the orders of the Government, had expelled a special correspondent of an English paper from his camp, and General Maude had had a dispute with another. Government, to put an end to complaints of partiality in the communication of news, and also to ensure accuracy of information, had arranged to give intelligence to the papers through a Press Commissioner. But his communications were not always treated with respect or received with grati

English History, chap. iii., page 102.

tude. Yet, when subsequently Government proposed to abolish that functionary, there was a general protest. As to the vernacular press, its tone had much changed since the passing of the " Gagging Act. Some of the native editors took the "Opposition" view of Foreign policy, but a majority expressed approval of all that had been done, and pride in the success of the Indian army in the campaign against the Afghans. The native princes were profuse in their offers of aid, and in their felicitations on what seemed the successful close of the war. The offer of contingents from the Punjab Chiefs was accepted, and their troops formed an efficient and most welcome reserve in the Khaibar and on the Kuram. The Khan of Khelat and his chiefs loyally co-operated in all the operations of the Candahar column.

To revert to Indian opinion. Many of what are called educated natives, i.e. natives who had learned to speak and write, and possibly think in English-were, as a rule, in opposition to the Government policy. They objected chiefly to its effect on the finances of the country, and their opposition was stimulated by what seemed to them the objectionable nature of the purely financial measures of Government. There were, indeed, many indications of an alliance between this section of Indian opinion and the English Opposition. While Lord Lytton offended a Bengal association by rebuking them for the language and assertions of an address of protest they had presented, a Bengali gentleman visited England to represent the views of the association, and was enthusiastically received at crowded meetings. At one held at Willis's Rooms, Mr. John Bright, who presided, expressed his emphatic approval of the indictment brought against the Government, especially as regards the "wanton and persistent" exclusion of natives from a share in the higher offices of administration. In the protest against the financial measures of the Indian Government-the license tax-the reduction of the cotton duties-the "misappropriation of the so-called Famine Surplus," nearly every section of Anglo-Indian society joined. The Bengal Chamber of Commerce especially was emphatic in its disapproval.

Before giving an account of the Budget prospects, it will be well to say that in the beginning of the year trade was everywhere depressed. At Calcutta there was absolute stagnation. The Hooghly was crowded with ships for which there were no freights. In Bombay, of twenty-eight cotton mills--six were in liquidation. The failure of the great house of Messrs. W. Nicol & Co. was followed by others. That of Nursey Kessowjee & Co. led to the failure of the mills of which, under the vicious Bombay system, Nursey Kessowjee was agent, treasurer, and banker. The directors were tried for fraud and acquitted, but Nursey Kessowjee himself, having for some months evaded arrest, was at length put on his trial and convicted of various charges of cheating. The case created unparalleled excitement among the native community of Bombay, for Nursey Kessowjee had been one of its richest men.

Sir John Strachey, the Finance Minister, made public his Financial Statement-or Budget-in March, in the form of a very long Government resolution, in the Gazette. We are indebted to the Westminster Review for the following analysis of the general results.

In these figures rupees have been converted at the conventional rate of 28. On both sides many items are included which are not properly expenditure or revenue. (The true revenue of India is variously stated at from 35,000,000l. to 45,000,000l.). The provincial receipts and expenditure are included. And in the figures for 1878 and 1879-80 only the local revenue and expenditure are included. According to Sir John Strachey's calculations the actual excess of expenditure over revenue for these years was (after necessary corrections of account) nearly 10,000,000l. [It may elucidate matters, perhaps, to explain that in expenditure is included Capital Outlay on Productive Public Works, as well as interest on all loans; and in revenue is included all the income arising directly or indirectly from Public Works. The theory of the Public Works system followed is that the returns shall at least cover interest on the borrowed capital, and also working expenses. So that, if the result conforms to the theory, the increase of loans imposes no fresh charge on the Exchequer.] The Resolution goes on to show that for 1878-9 the net addition to the Public Debt was only 2,750,000%. -a sum less than the capital expenditure on Public Works. The true surplus of the year was in fact 1,309,000l., of which 670,000l.had been spent in the war, whilst the fall in exchange (owing to the continued depreciation of silver) had caused a loss of over 1,500,000l. more than the amount estimated for. [The loss to the Indian Government arises in this way. Its revenue is for the most part fixed in silver. It has to make large payments in England in gold on account of stores, army, pensions, &c. So that when the value of silver declines, it has to lay down in England a larger

"India and our Colonial Empire," Westminster Review, July 1879.