FOREIGN HISTORY.

CHAPTER I.

FRANCE-ITALY-GERMANY.

I. FRANCE.

DURING the last months of 1878, public affairs in France had been persistently embarrassed by the consequences of the 16th of May. The partial senatorial elections, which took place on January 5, 1879, brought the majority in the Upper House into harmony with the majority of the Chamber, which had been returned in answer to Marshal MacMahon's appeal to the country. Eighty-two seats had to be filled; sixty-six Liberals were elected to sixteen Reactionary candidates, and a Republican Government could now count on a majority of at least fifty in the Senate. The Right had lost forty-two; the Left not a single seat; the defeat of the Opposition was overwhelming, and a mortal blow was thus dealt to the hopes of those whose schemes were based on the fall of the Republic; the country having thus for the second time pronounced an unmistakable verdict in its favour, it was clear that radical changes would be necessary in the existing Administration, which was the outcome of compromise.

On January 4, at the meeting of the Republican Union it was resolved to await the programme of the Cabinet, before deciding on any hostile step, but the majority evidently shared the opinion of M. Boysset, who, although he expressed deep gratitude to M. Dufaure for his past services, at the same time maintained that the Cabinet under his leadership would never become sufficiently Republican and Democratic to satisfy the national sentiment. On the 13th, the Left Centre also met, and agreed like the other sections to await the declarations of the Cabinet, but affirmed in doing so the absolute necessity for ministerial changes. On the 14th, M. Jules Grévy was re-elected President of the Lower House, and on the following day, M. Martel, who had at one moment offered to retire in favour of M. Jules Simon, was nominated President of the Upper. Meanwhile a slight change had been made in the Cabinet itself: General Borel had been replaced by General Gresley-formerly head of the War Office General Staffto whom was due the organisation of the territorial army, and of other important military reforms. On the morning of the 13th a

further satisfaction was also given to the Left, for the decree pardoning between 1,700 and 1,800 Communists was approved by the Cabinet, and signed by the Marshal, and on the 16th, both the Chambers having met at Versailles, the anxiously looked for ministerial programme was made public. After referring to the recent senatorial elections as "a new and signal adhesion to the Republican constitution," and justifying the participation of France in the Berlin Congress, M. Dufaure turned to the domestic policy of the country: alluding to those who had taken part in the criminal acts of 1871, he stated that a new law would permit the already numerous pardons which had been accorded to be further extended; he promised that the Government would watch over the observance of the laws regulating the relations between civil and religious society; and declared that the Government, as regarded functionaries, would be inexorable to those who attacked or calumniated the Republic they were called upon to serve. Amongst the Bills already before, or soon to be laid before the Chamber, M. Dufaure specified the General Customs Tariff, a Bill for settling the situation of Algeria, a Municipal Bill, and one on Trades Unions; he stated that in renewing the commercial treaties, which had been precipitately denounced in the previous year, France would not deviate from the principles which had extended her commerce for so many years past; pointed out that the financial situation continued to improve, and that the surpluses of the last few years amounted to 170,000,000 frs. In the Army and Navy, he promised useful reforms, remarked that the Minister of Public Instruction would ask that the conferring of degrees should be intrusted to the State exclusively, and that Elementary Education should be made compulsory; in conclusion, he added, that a Bill should be submitted for increasing the number of Councillors of State, and another which related to judicial reforms.

This declaration was fairly well received in the Senate, but in the Lower House there was a total absence of enthusiasm. When the different groups of Deputies met upon the following day, the Extreme Left promptly condemned the programme as insufficient; the Pure Left declared that the chief points should have been strongly accentuated, and even the Left Centre showed its dissatisfaction in affirming that it "did not doubt that a sincerely Republican Ministry, supported by a parliamentary majority, would eventually give full satisfaction to the claims of its friends and of the country as regarded public officials."

Here was the point at issue: the condition of the Council of State, and that of the Magistracy-both at almost open war with the established form of government-urgently demanded attention; the leaders of the Republican Party were not unreasonably anxious to obtain from the Cabinet a distinct pledge that the proposed measures of reform should be such as would ensure, for the future, the harmonious co-operation of the executive and

legislative powers; they were, not unreasonably, eager to be assured that the officials of the Government should be men, not only sworn to service, but honestly ready to serve. On this point, the Left and the Cabinet joined issue on the 20th. Whilst paying a deserved compliment to the conduct of the Dufaure Ministry, throughout the trying year of 1878, M. Senard, one of the oldest and most respected members of the Left Centre, attacked the policy of the Cabinet in regard to the judicial staff and public functionaries in general, and insisted that more frequent communication between the Cabinet and its supporters, in both Houses, would be desirable in the interest of the Government itself. This means of promoting the despatch of public business appeared to M. Dufaure impracticable, and destructive of ministerial responsibility; his course of action in respect of public functionaries he vigorously defended, stating that five Procurators-General had been dismissed, and two transferred, whilst 168 Justices of the Peace had also been transferred, and 177 dismissed; but, although he added that he did not consider the work at an end, he carefully refrained from giving any distinct promise or explanation as to the course in future to be pursued. M. Madier de Montjau, and M. Floquet, who followed, both insisted on the undoubted fact that the Dufaure Cabinet did not represent the majority, and that the speech which had just been made threw no light on a programme which that majority considered insufficient. At the same time it was felt wiser to avoid for the moment a direct conflict; on the suspension of the sitting the moderate groups united, and offered a door of escape to the Government, in the shape of a resolution proposed, on resumption of the sitting, by M. Jules Ferry in the following terms: "The Chamber of Deputies, confiding in the declarations of the Government, and convinced that the Cabinet, henceforth in possession of its full liberty of action, will not hesitate after the grand general vote of January 5, to give the Republican majority the legitimate satisfactions it has long demanded on behalf of the country, especially as regards the administrative and judicial staff, passes to the Order of the Day." This resolution, which was accepted by the Government, was adopted by a large majority after M. Floquet, who had the priority, had failed in carrying the Order of the Day, pure and simple. It was, however, felt that a truce had been concluded rather than that a victory had been won, and it was evident that there was no permanence in the situation, and that the demands, on which the Left were distinctly agreed, would ultimately be firmly enforced.

On the 27th it was announced that M. Léon Say, at least, had energetically begun the work of "purifying" his department. Five Treasurers-General were superannuated; four were placed on the unattached list, and two were dismissed. The list of these changes was submitted at the Cabinet Council held on the Saturday previous, and, on the following day, were signed by the Marshal,

who was, it is said, also informed by M. Dufaure, that each Minister had his list ready, and that, if the changes proposed were not made, the result would only be changes far more sweeping, imposed by new men, unchecked by the scruples which tempered the decisions of the Ministers then in power. At the Cabinet Council of Tuesday, the 28th, M. Dufaure, accordingly, himself laid before the Marshal the decree which removed the five ProcuratorsGeneral. This decree the Marshal professed himself ready to sign; but when it came to the turn of General Gresley to submit the list dealing with high military commands, his tone changed. General Gresley proposed to deal with nine out of the eighteen Generals commanding corps; four were to be transferred, and five--Bourbaki, Lartigues, Bataille, du Barail, and Montauban— were to be deprived of their commands. The proposal made by General Gresley was by no means arbitrary, for the law provides that those holding these posts should be relieved every three years, and of these eighteen generals thus appointed, nine at least had held their commands over five years, but the Marshal positively refused to supersede them. The view which he seems to have taken was, that those who had been allowed to pass the first term of three years were virtually re-appointed, and ought to be permitted to finish the whole of a second period of office. The Cabinet adjourned, and after consultation, seeing that the propositions which they had made really embodied the minimum of that satisfaction justly due to the majority of public opinion in the country, determined to make no concessions. The Marshal, on being informed of this decision, asked his Ministers to meet him at Versailles on the following day: they, in return, after a second consultation, despatched M. de Marcère, Minister of the Interior, to provoke an explanation by asking, in the interest of public tranquillity, for instructions as to what were his intentions, and the measures which they might possibly entail, but the Marshal contented himself by repeating that he would preside at the Cabinet Council on the morrow.

It was, however, understood that the Marshal had resolved to resign, and it was surmised that the decree relative to the military changes was only the ostensible pretext for this decision. It was conjectured that the real reason lay in his fear of the impeachment of the de Broglie-Fourtou Cabinet, the which, were it carried, would involve his fall on an indirect accusation of high treason. The Left knew perfectly well that, as long as Marshal MacMahon remained chief of the State, the harmonious working of a truly Republican government, such as the country had distinctly demanded, was absolutely impossible, and they were resolved to put an end to a halting state of affairs which seriously affected the public tranquillity, and troubled with a sense of insecurity the commercial interests of the country. Having at last become aware of these facts, having at last realised that his downfall was inevitable, on Thursday, the 30th, at the Cabinet Council at Versailles,

the Marshal formally announced his resignation, and the Ministers at once waited on the Presidents of the Chambers, to whom the letter of resignation had been carried by one of the Marshal's officers, and concerted with them the measures necessary in consequence. Shortly after three o'clock, M. Grévy, in the Chamber, and M. Martel, in the Senate, opened the sittings. Both Houses were comparatively empty; no one, it seemed, was prepared for so speedy a turn in the course of events, but members poured rapidly in, and the Marshal's letter, which ran as follows, was read in the deepest silence:-" At the opening of this session, the Cabinet laid before you a programme of measures which, while satisfying public opinion, could seemingly be voted without danger to the security and good government of the country. Waiving all personal ideas, I had given it my entire approbation, for I was not sacrificing any of those principles to which my conscience bound me to remain faithful. The Cabinet, in the belief of responding to the opinion of the majority in the two Chambers, now proposes to me, as regards the great commands, general measures which I deem contrary to the interests of the army, and consequently to those of the country. I cannot subscribe to them. In view of this refusal, the Cabinet resigns. Any other Cabinet taken from the majority of the Chambers would impose the same conditions on me. I accordingly think it my duty to curtail the duration of the trust with which the National Assembly invested me. I resign the Presidency of the Republic. In leaving office, I have the consolation of believing that during the fifty-three years I have devoted to the service of my country as a soldier and as a citizen, I have never been guided by other sentiments than those of honour and duty, and perfect devotion to my country."

In the Chamber of Deputies there was no sign of satisfaction or approval during the reading of the Marshal's letter, and in the continued stillness M. Grévy went on to read the articles of the Constitution, providing that in case of a vacancy, both Houses should immediately meet to proceed to the election of a new President-pending whose appointment the Cabinet remained charged with the executive power-and added that at 4.30 the Congress would assemble in the Chamber of Deputies. The sitting closed, and at the given hour the Deputies, who had reassembled, were joined by the senators, and M. Martel opened the proceedings by again reading the President's letter, at the conclusion of which he announced that a vote would be taken for the election of a President for seven years. The vote was secret, each member ascending the tribune to drop his ticket in the box. At a quarter-past six M. Dufaure voted, being greeted with great applause, and at a quarter to seven the election of M. Jules Grévy (by 563 votes, to 99 given for General Chanzy, and about 130 abstentions) was proclaimed, amid shouts of Vive la République!

The Congress havingdispersed, the Deputies made their arrangements for the next day, on which their first business was the