longs to Divine Providence; may God send us all more wisdom! I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

Canada offered to France, to induce her to treat separately. Answer of the French Court.

SIR,

Passy, 13 April, 1782.

Enclosed with this, I send to your Excellency the packet of correspondence between Mr. Hartley and me, which I promised in my last. You will see, that we held nearly the same language; which gives me pleasure.

While Mr. Hartley was making propositions to me, with the approbation or privity of Lord North, to treat separately from France, that minister had an emissary here, a Mr. Forth, formerly a secretary of Lord Stormont's, making proposals to induce this court to treat without us. I understand, that several sacrifices were offered to be made, and, among the rest, Canada to be given up to France. The substance of the answer appears in my last letter to Mr. Hartley. But there is a sentence omitted in that letter, which I much liked, viz. that whenever the two crowns should come to treat, his Most Christian Majesty would show how much the engagements he might enter into were to be relied on, by his exact observance of those he already had with his present allies."

If you have received any thing in consequence of your answer by Digges, you will oblige me by communicating it. The ministers here were much pleased

with the account given them of your interview by the ambassador. With great respect, I am, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

TO MRS. STEVENSON AND MRS. HEWSON.

Paris, 19 April, 1782.

I wrote to you, my dear friends, very lately, and directed my letter to Cheam in Surrey. Mr. Whitefoord tells me, that you are removed to Kensington Square, and I fear that my letter may therefore not find you. I sent it under cover to Mr. William Hodgson, merchant, in Coleman Street; which I mention, that, in case it has not come to hand, you may there inquire for it, though it contains little worth the trouble, as it only expresses what you always knew, that I love you both very much, and very sincerely.

Mr. Whitefoord will inform you how I live, and that I am very well, as happy as the situation of public affairs will permit, only capable of being made more so, if you were here with me; being ever your truly affectionate friend,

B. FRANKLIN.

TO JOHN JAY.

Passy, 22 April, 1782.

DEAR SIR,

I have undertaken to pay all the bills of your acceptance that have come to my knowledge, and I hope in God no more will be drawn upon us, but when funds are first provided. In that case, your constant residence at Madrid is no longer so necessary. You may make a journey either for health or pleasure, with

out retarding the progress of a negotiation not yet begun. Here you are greatly wanted, for messengers begin to come and go, and there is much talk of a treaty proposed; but I can neither make, nor agree to propositions of peace, without the assistance of my colleagues. Mr. Adams, I am afraid, cannot just now leave Holland. Mr. Jefferson is not in Europe, and Mr. Laurens is a prisoner, though abroad upon parole. I wish, therefore, that you would resolve upon the journey, and render yourself here as soon as possible. You would be of infinite service. Spain has taken four years to consider whether she should treat with us or not. Give her forty, and let us in the mean time mind our own business. I have much to communicate to you, but choose rather to do it vivâ voce, than trust it to letters. I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

TO JOHN JAY.

Passy, 24 April, 1782.

DEAR SIR,

The Prince de Masaran being so good as to desire carrying a letter to you, I sit down to write you a few lines, though I hope soon to see you. Enclosed I send a copy of one of Mr. Deane's letters; I shall show you more when you come.

In consequence of a proposition I sent over, the Parliament of Britain have just passed an act for exchanging American prisoners. They have near eleven hundred in the jails of England and Ireland, all committed as charged with high treason. The act is to empower the King, notwithstanding such commitments, to consider them as prisoners of war, according to the

This

law of nations, and exchange them as such. seems to be giving up their pretensions of considering us as rebellious subjects, and is a kind of acknowledgment of our independence. Transports are now taking up, to carry back to their country the poor, brave fellows, who have borne for years their cruel captivity, rather than serve our enemies, and an equal number of English are to be delivered in return. I have, upon desire, furnished passports for the vessels.

Our affairs in Holland are en bon train; we have some prospect of another loan there; and all goes well here.

The proposal to us of a separate peace with England has been rejected in the manner you wish, and I am pretty certain they will now enter into a general treaty. I wrote you a few lines by last post, and on the same day a few more by the court courier. They were chiefly to press your coming hither to assist in the affair. With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, dear Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

The Late Ministry. - Various Remarks concerning Proposals for Peace.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

London, 1 May, 1782.

I have received a packet from you, containing several letters of various dates. As I shall probably have a safe opportunity of conveyance to you when Mr. Laurens leaves this country, I am now sitting down to write to you an omnium kind of letter of various matters as they occur. The late ministry being departed, I may now speak of things more freely. I will

take a sentence in one of your letters for my text. Vide yours of April 13th, 1782, in which you say, you were of opinion, that the late ministry desired SINCERELY a reconciliation with America, and with that view a separate peace with us was proposed. I must qualify this sentence much before I can adopt it as my opinion. As to reconciliation, I never gave much credit to them for that wish. It is a sweet expression. It certainly means MORE than peace. The utmost I ever gave the late ministry credit for, was a wish for peace. And I still believe, that the wisest among them grew from day to day more disposed to peace, or an abatement of the war, in proportion as they became more alarmed for their own situations and their responsibility. Had the war been more successful, I should not have expected much relenting towards peace or reconciliation. That this has always been the measure of my opinion of them, I refer you to some words in a letter from me to you, dated January 5th, 1780, for proof; "But for the point of sincerity; why, as to that, I have not much to say; I have at least expected some hold upon their prudence."

My argument runs thus, it is a bargain for you (ministers) to be sincere now. Common prudence may hint to you to look to yourselves. It has amazed me beyond measure, that this principle of common selfish prudence has not had the effect, which I expected. I have not been disposed to be deceived by any conciliatory professions, which I considered only as arising from prudence; and I hope that I have not led you into any deception, having so fully explained myself to you on that head. Had the American war been more prosperous on the part of the late ministry, I do not believe the late resignation would have taken place. But it is evident, from the proposition to the